scholarly journals Crossing Borders: The Case Of Mexican Tomatoes

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 39-48
Author(s):  
Nita Paden

The case involves distributors who import Mexican produce into the United States. To-Mex faces several problems. First, U.S. homeland security is at an all time high and is likely to continue growing tighter. The potential for delays at customs is significant. Second, Mexican produce has image issues in the U.S. market. Some American consumers have the perception that Mexican produce may not be safe to eat. Changing those perceptions is critical. The third issue relates to product strategies, including a possible move from predominantly field grown tomatoes to greenhouse operations, possible development of consumer brands for produce, and the potential effects of country of origin labeling on consumer produce preferences.

2017 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 123-127
Author(s):  
Stephen Pomper

We are having this conversation now because of the April 7 strikes on the Shayrat Airfield in Syria, but the question of how one justifies forcible measures in the context of a humanitarian emergency, and in the face of a deadlocked Security Council, is one that deserves urgent attention beyond the context of any single event. Progress toward answering this question has, however, been mired in a long-standing debate between those who believe that there is no credible international law justification for humanitarian intervention—and that the U.S. government should instead justify interventions like those taken at Kosovo and Shayrat as morally “legitimate”—and those who believe a legal justification can and should be put forward. I am very much in the latter camp and will use my time now to explain how I arrived at this position as a policy and as a legal matter by looking at three questions: the first question is whether legal justification is the direction that the United States should go in as a matter of policy. The second question is whether legal justification is credibly available as a matter of international law. The third question (which assumes the answer to the first and second is yes) is how to go about articulating and disseminating such a justification. Let me take these in order.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (9) ◽  
Author(s):  
Harun Umar ◽  
Saphira Evani

<p align="center"><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><p><em>The presence of foreign policy has a big impacts on the implementation of the state life of every international actor, especially for the super power countries such as the United States. These conditions make the United States have control over other countries by taking actions that only benefit one side, such as protection. The Country of Origin Labeling (COOL) policy is a form of protection carried out by the United States with the aim of limiting the amount of beef imported from Canada to enter the United States market because it has been contaminated with Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (BSE) or mad cow diseases which is very dangerous for human health</em><em>. The implementation of the COOL succeeded in making Canadian beef exports decrease and causing a deficit in the country’s trade balance</em><em>.</em><em> </em><em>Therefore, Canada must have an efforts to maintain the stability of its beef exports so that it can benefit the Canadian economy and achieve the national interest of the country.</em></p><p><em>Keywords : Country of Origin Labelling, Beef Export, Canada, National Interest</em></p><p align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Kehadiran kebijakan luar negeri memiliki pengaruh yang besar bagi pelaksanaan kehidupan bernegara setiap aktor internasional, terutama bagi negara <em>super power</em> seperti Amerika Serikat. Kondisi tersebut membuat Amerika Serikat memiliki kontrol terhadap negara lainnya dengan melakukan tindakan yang hanya menguntungkan sebelah pihak saja, seperti melakukan proteksi. Kebijakan <em>Country of Origin Labelling</em> (COOL) merupakan salah satu bentuk proteksi yang dilakukan oleh Amerika Serikat dengan tujuan untuk membatasi jumlah daging sapi impor dari Kanada yang masuk ke pasar Amerika Serikat karena telah terkontaminasi oleh penyakit <em>Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy </em>(BSE) atau sapi gila yang sangat berbahaya bagi kesehatan manusia<em>.</em> Implementasi kebijakan COOL tersebut berhasil membuat jumlah ekspor daging sapi Kanada menurun sehingga menyebabkan defisit pada neraca perdagangan negaranya<em>.</em> Oleh karena itu, Kanada harus memilki upaya untuk menjaga stabilitas ekspor daging sapinya sehingga dapat memberikan keuntungan bagi perekonomian Kanada serta tercapainya kepentingan nasional negara.</p><p>Kata Kunci : <em>Country of Origin Labelling</em>, Ekspor Daging Sapi, Kanada, Kepentingan</p><p>         Nasional</p>


Author(s):  
Moeed Yusuf

This chapter examines the 2001–2002 military standoff that kept India and Pakistan on the verge of war for ten months. Brokered bargaining characterized crisis behavior of the rivals and the U.S.-led third party. India threatened to use military force but pulled back at critical junctures as the United States acted as a guarantor of Pakistan’s promises of curbing cross-border terrorism and raised India’s costs of defying third-party demands to de-escalate. Pakistan promised retaliation against India and harmed the U.S. military campaign in Afghanistan by withdrawing forces from the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, but this “autonomous” behavior was trumped by its propensity to oblige the United States by accepting some responsibility for anti-India terrorism and acting tangibly against militants. The chapter also analyzes the several risks of escalation introduced by India’s and Pakistan’s misperceptions of the third party’s leverage over the opponent.


2005 ◽  
Vol 2005 (1) ◽  
pp. 943-948
Author(s):  
Joseph Gleason

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY During the summer of 2004, the First Coast Guard District in Boston, Massachusetts supported both Presidential political nominating conventions for the 2004 election. The Democratic National Convention was held in Boston, Massachusetts on July 26–29, 2004, and the Republican National Convention was held in New York City from August 30th to September 2, 2004. This was the first time both conventions have taken place within the geographic area of responsibility of a single Coast Guard District. The Secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security declared both of these events as National Special Security Events under Presidential Decision Directive 62 (PDD-62). PDD-62 formalized and delineated the roles and responsibilities of federal agencies in the development of security plans for major events. The 2004 Democratic and Republican Conventions were the first political conventions held in the United States since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. In the months before the Democratic National Convention, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Justice stated that there was credible intelligence from multiple sources indicating that al-Qaeda planned to attempt an attack on the United States during the period leading up to the election. (Joint Statement of Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge and Attorney General John Ashcroft on May 28, 2004) The terrorist attacks on the Madrid rail system were a direct attempt by AI Qaeda to influence the elections in Spain, and the U.S. Department of Homeland Security was going to take all appropriate steps to prevent a similar attack in the United States. (Schmidt and Priest, Washington Post May 26, 2004; Page A02) The 2004 Conventions offered a significant challenge for the Coast Guard and other federal, state, and local agencies that had dual responsibility for coordinating security operations while being prepared to respond to a disaster including oil spills and hazardous substance releases—the combination of what was previously designated as crisis and consequence management under PDD-39. This paper will examine lessons learned from planning and operations in support of the conventions. Having served as the First District Project Officer for the Democratic and Republican National Conventions, this paper is written as my observations of the lessons learned and offers some insight into what went well and possible areas for improvement as I observed throughout the more than 18 months of planning for these events of national significance. The Coast Guard planning and operational support for the Democratic and Republican National Conventions demonstrated the importance of a team approach to planning, interagency coordination and partnerships, pre-event preparedness activities, and pre-deploying personnel and resources for response. It is my hope that the observations contained in this paper can benefit federal, state, and local agencies as they prepare for large significant events in the future including National Special Security Events.


2012 ◽  
Vol 82 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-118
Author(s):  
Clayton R. Koppes

George F. Kennan is renowned as the author of the containment doctrine and subsequently as a critic of American Cold War policy. But other elements of his thought, which have been neglected, are integral to a reconsideration of his stature. He distrusted democracy and proposed ways to limit its expression, discounted movements for human rights in Eastern Europe and elsewhere, believed Hispanics posed a threat to the United States, and often argued against the national liberation aspirations in the Third World (which he considered largely irrelevant to Great Power diplomacy). He failed to grasp the connection between the U.S. civil rights movement and foreign policy. These weaknesses limited his usefulness as a policy adviser and still cloud his legacy as America’s “conscience.”


2005 ◽  
Vol 82 (4) ◽  
pp. 857-872 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine A. Luther ◽  
Xiang Zhou

This research examined news frames in coverage of SARS by newspapers in China and the United States. The assumption was that with the adoption of Western news values and practices, the Chinese press would exhibit news frames similar to those found in Western news. The results showed the presence of economic consequences, responsibility, conflict, leadership, and human-interest news frames in both the U.S. and Chinese newspapers. Depending on the newspaper's country of origin, however, the degree and manner of the frame uses varied.


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