scholarly journals The Oromo National Movement And Gross Human Rights Violations In The Age Of Globalization

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 177
Author(s):  
Asafa Jalata

Today, the Oromo are an impoverished and powerless numerical majority and political minority13 in the Ethiopian empire; they have been the colonial subjects of Ethiopia, former Abyssinia, since the last decades of the 19th century. As the Ethiopian state colonized the Oromo with the help European imperialism, it has continued to terrorize, dominate, and exploit them with the help of successive global hegemonic powers such as England, the former Soviet Union, and the United States, To change the deplorable condition of the Oromo people, the Oromo movement is engaging in national struggle to restore the Oromo democratic tradition known as the gadaa system and to liberate the Oromo people from colonialism and all forms of oppression and exploitation by achieving their national self-determination. A few elements of Oromo elites who clearly understood the impact of Ethiopian colonialism and global imperialism on the Oromo society had facilitated the emergence of the Oromo national movement in the 1960s and 1970s by initiating the development of national Oromummaa (Oromo national culture, identity, and nationalism). This paper focuses on and explores three major issues: First, it briefly provides analytical and theoretical insights. Second, the paper explains the past and current status of the Oromo people in relation to gross Oromo human rights violations. Third, it identifies and examines some major constraints and opportunities for the Oromo national movement and the promotion of human rights, social justice, and democracy.

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-187
Author(s):  
Christina Vagt

The article, speaking from the double perspective of media history and political aesthetics, discusses the impact of behaviourism and early computer technology on the design of learning environments in the United States after the Second World War. By revisiting B. F. Skinner’s approaches to behavioural techniques and cultural engineering, and by showing how these principles were applied first at US design departments, and later to prison education, it argues that cybernetic and behavioural techniques merged in the common field of design and education. Behavioural design of the 1960s and 1970s furthered the cybernetic dream of total control over the world by addressing the learning environment rather than the individual, and operated within a space of possibility that was governed equally by technology and aesthetics. Behavioural design can therefore be understood as a political technology.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rune J. Sørensen

In an influential study, Matthew Gentzkow found that the introduction of TV in the United States caused a major drop in voter turnout. In contrast, the current analysis shows that public broadcasting TV can increase political participation. Detailed data on the rollout of television in Norway in the 1960s and 1970s are combined with municipality-level data on voter turnout over a period of four decades. The date of access to TV signals was mostly a side effect of geography, a feature that is used to identify causal effects. Additional analyses exploit individual-level panel data from three successive election studies. The new TV medium instantly became a major source of political information. It triggered political interest and caused a modest, but statistically significant, increase in voter turnout.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
JOE J. RYAN-HUME

Abstract This article explores the emergence of women in the United States as a liberal voting group in the 1980s and the impact of this development on the power of liberalism, amid the Reagan revolution – an era often viewed as the apogee of conservatism. As the Republican party shifted in a more conservative direction in the 1980s, gender started to correlate with partisan preference/election outcomes in enough contests to give credence to the belief that women were becoming a decidedly liberal voting bloc. Contemporaneously, the equality-seeking movements of the 1960s and 1970s began institutionalizing their operations and exploiting these demographic shifts, becoming more entrenched than ever within the internal politics of the Democratic party. The National Organization for Women (NOW), the largest liberal women's group, proved to be particularly successful in this respect. Therefore, by presenting substantial archival evidence that liberal politicians and organizations remained a dynamic political force during the 1980s, this article details the growing organizational prowess of NOW and examines how liberals resisted the conservative challenge to fashion a political approach suited to the ‘Reagan Era’.


Author(s):  
JOÃO DE PINA-CABRAL

Charles Boxer's Race Relations in the Portuguese Colonial Empire, 1415–1825, which came out nearly half a century ago, has found a readership beyond the circle of those interested in the history of Portuguese overseas expansion. Boxer was perfectly conscious, as he produced it, of the impact his essay would have. He found in the discourse of race an instrument of mediation that allowed him to continue to develop his favoured topics of research in the United States in the 1960s and 1970s. The response to Boxer's book points to the highly charged atmosphere that continues to surround all debates concerning ‘race’ and, in particular, those that compare North American notions of race with those that can be observed elsewhere in the world. This chapter attempts to shed new light on what caused such a longstanding cross-cultural misinterpretation.


Author(s):  
Başak Çalı

This chapter analyzes the origins and the development of human rights organizations in Turkey since 1945. It first offers an overview of the limited number of elite organizations established between 1946 and 1974 and the initial skepticism toward human rights activism in the country in the 1960s and 1970s among grass-roots political movements. It then discusses the importance of two major events, the military coup in 1980 and the start of the armed conflict between the Turkish security forces and the PKK in 1984, for the development of human rights–based activism in the 1980s. The chapter then turns to the 1990s, characterized by the proliferation of human rights organizations and diversification of focus areas, ranging from LGBT rights to the rights of women to manifest their religion by wearing headscarves. It links these dynamics to the global rise of human rights activism in the 1990s and the subsequent appropriation of the human rights lexicon by a wide range of domestic social movements. The chapter moves forward with a discussion of the further proliferation of human rights organizations well into the 2000s as Turkey’s EU membership process boosted democratization and pluralism. The chapter ends with an assessment of the impact of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi’s authoritarian turn on the transformative power and horizons of human rights organizations in the 2010s.


2021 ◽  
pp. 9-39
Author(s):  
William A. Schabas

The drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and of the treaties it spawned did not refer to customary law as a source. Only in the 1960s and 1970s did jurists start to speak of human rights as customary law, largely out of frustration with the slow pace of ratification of the human rights treaties. Lawyers in the United States were especially enthusiastic, especially after courts began applying custom to the Alien Torts Act, and in 1987 the American Law Institute issued an authoritative statement. A major study by Theodor Meron followed. The United Nations Human Rights Committee produced a list of customary norms in the General Comments. Writers contended that State practice was less significant in the identification of custom.


Social Work ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurie Cook Heffron

While international law protects the rights of individuals to seek asylum and to be treated humanely and with dignity, immigration detention, the practice of confining individuals accused of violating immigration law, has surfaced as a growing response to the large numbers of individuals and families on the move throughout the world in search of freedom, safety, and economic security. Detention has long been used as a strategy for enforcement of immigration laws across the globe, and has also been used as a tactic to dissuade and control future migration. The detention of immigrants consistently presents concerns about and allegations of civil and human rights violations and negative bio-psycho-social impacts on those detained. Given the contemporary expansion of the immigration detention system in the United States, this bibliography will focus primarily on the context of immigration detention within the United States. This bibliography includes selected scholarly resources from the social sciences, health, and legal fields to present an overview of immigration detention, the impact on survivors of violence and trauma, and detention alternatives. While the Global Detention Project and other nonprofit organizations aim to track the scope of immigration detention worldwide, numbers of individuals detained, as well as the number and location of detention facilities, immigration detention remain difficult to track. In the United States, the average daily population of immigration detention facilities in the United States had increased from 6,785 in 1994 to more than 38,000 in 2017. That number has risen to closer to 50,000 in recent years and manifests across a wide variety of facilities, including temporary and long-term holding facilities operated by a host of federal, state, local, and private for-profit entities. The US government has broad, though not absolute, power over immigration and immigration detention. Authorization of the detention of immigrants dates back to 1798 with the Alien Enemies Act, which allowed for the detention of immigrants from “hostile” countries during times of war. As of 1875, another series of laws expanded the framework of detention, in particular pertaining to the incarceration of individuals with criminal convictions. Further changes were made in 1952 with the Immigration and Nationality Act, then more drastically in the 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act, which served to begin a decades-long expansion of the US immigration detention system. This expansion has also led to numerous allegations of civil and human rights violations related to due process, exploitative labor practices, sexual and physical abuse, and inadequate medical care, as well as growing concern about the impact of immigration detention on survivors of violence and trauma, particularly children, women, and LGBTQ communities. The author would like to acknowledge the significant contributions of Jessenia Herzberg in researching and reviewing literature on immigration detention.


Author(s):  
John Betton

Corporate responsibility for human rights violations has historically been approached as a domestic national issue in the United States. That is, despite international legislation governing human rights violations in an international context, courts have generally held that the activities of U.S. corporations outside the United States involving individuals who are not U.S. citizens does not fall within the jurisdiction of U.S. courts. This has been consistently affirmed at the Supreme Court level; and, indeed, the court has been zealous in seeking to avoid any reference at all to legislation like the European Human Rights Act in writing opinions.This view of culpability for human rights violations has recently changed, both informally, with the emergence of global guidelines regarding human rights applying to corporations such as the Global Reporting Initiative, Amnesty International Guidelines and O.E.C.D. guidelines for Transnational Corporations and with the application of an 18th century law, the Alien Tort Claims Act, that has been used to sue corporations for human rights violations outside the United States.A suit was brought against Unocal, a California based oil corporation, for complicity in crimes committed against Burmese citizens under this Act. The 9th District Circuit Court of Appeals held in this case that Unocal had a case to answer for complicity in the rape and murder of Burmese citizens perpetrated by the ruling military junta. Recently, Unocal settled out of court in what is reported to be a sizeable financial settlement. Additional lawsuits have been brought against Ford Motor Corporation for its complicity in the holocaust by providing military vehicles to the German Army through their German subsidiary and I.B.M. for providing counting machinery for concentration camps during the Second World War. Cases involving other countries include the conduct of business with the South African apartheid government by several U.S. based corporations. These cases raise a new concept of corporate responsibility in a global setting as they depend upon an assumption of moral responsibility by corporations for violations of human rights committed by regimes with which they do business. This paper examines the implications of this changed context for corporate responsibility in the context of the emergence of the multiple voluntary guidelines that seek to hold corporations accountable for conduct outside their own countries.


Author(s):  
Brian Stanley

This chapter highlights the impact on the churches of the human rights agenda in its application to issues of racial justice and the treatment of indigenous peoples. Most discussions of human rights discourse in the second half of the twentieth century begin with the aftermath of the Second World War and the Holocaust, and the consequent adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights at the Third General Assembly of the United Nations in Paris in December of 1948. Ecumenical leaders, influenced by concerns arising from mission field experience in Asia and Latin America, were determined that the Declaration should go further still, incorporating a full statement of freedom of religion, including the increasingly contested right to convert to another religion. In the course of the 1960s and 1970s, human rights discourse acquired a sharper edge. Alongside its older Cold War use as a weapon against communist totalitarianism there developed a radical human rights tradition that addressed the condition of oppressed groups and spoke the language of liberation. This alternative human rights tradition confronted the churches with a choice—either to realign themselves with the demands for liberation, or to pay the price for their apparent collusion with the status quo.


This chapter reviews the book Research in Jewish Demography and Identity (2015), edited by Eli Lederhendler and Uzi Rebhun. Research in Jewish Demography and Identity is a collection of original social scientific essays that pays tribute to Sergio Della Pergola, a distinguished demographer from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The book covers many of the areas of inquiry to which Della Pergola has contributed over the last half century, including historical demography, international and internal migration, culture and politics, socio-demographic variations and mobility, and Jewish identity and culture. Topics include Jewish migration to Palestine and the United States in the early twentieth century; the Jews of Greece between the World Wars; Italian Jewry’s diverse and complex interaction with Israel, Zionism, and the Italian Left in the 1960s; and the mobility of Jewish immigrants in the Former Soviet Union to Israel in the period 1990–2010.


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