scholarly journals REPRESENTATION OF POLITICAL ROLE OF BUNDO KANDUANG IN THE REGIONAL GOVERNMENT SYSTEM IN STRENGTHENING LOCAL DEMOCRACY IN WEST SUMATERA

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-146
Author(s):  
Amaliatulwalidain Amaliatulwalidain

This paper intends to describe in depth the representation of the political role of political parties in strengthening local democracy in West Sumatra after returning to the regional government system that changed the political system of local government in Minangkabau. Through Regional Regulation No. 2 of 2007 concerning the Principles of Regional Government, the political system of local government in West Sumatra is based on the concept of "Basandi Syarak Customary, Syarak Basandi Kitabullah". With this concept, the implementation of regional government implemented in the context of local democracy comes from three elements, one of which is the custom of Bundo Kanduang (female figure) who represents women in the area. Representation and political role of women as part of the administration of regional government, their position is formally within the Regional Musyawwah Agency (BAMUSDA). Bundo kanduang is one of the traditional institutions which is a representation of women in the area. His main task is to preserve the culture and customs of Minangkabau based on Basandi Syarak, Syarak Basandi Kitabullah. Changes in the structure of the local government system in West Sumatra have shifted the representation and role of women who were previously only guardians of the continuity and preservation of customs.

Author(s):  
Oren Barak

Since Lebanon’s independence in the mid-1940s, its military—the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)—has played a pivotal role in the country’s politics. The political role of the LAF in Lebanon might seem surprising since the Lebanese state did not militarize, and its political leaders have continuously managed to keep their military relatively weak and small. Indeed, in this respect Lebanon has been markedly different from its close neighbors (Syria and Israel), but also from several other Middle Eastern states (especially Egypt and Iraq), where the military, which was large and powerful, was continuously involved in politics. Additionally, both Lebanon and the LAF have persistently striven to distance themselves from regional conflicts since 1949, particularly in relation to the Palestinian issue, albeit not always successfully. Still, and despite these ostensibly unfavorable factors for the military’s involvement in politics in Lebanon, the LAF has played an important political role in the state since its independence. This role, which has been marked by elements of continuity and change over the years, included mediation and arbitration between rival political factions (in 1945–1958, 2008, 2011, and 2019); attempts to dominate the political system (in 1958–1970 and 1988–1990); intervention in the Lebanese civil war (in 1975–1976 and 1982–1984); attempts to regain its balancing role in politics (in 1979–1982 and 1984–1988); and facilitating the state’s postwar reconstruction (since 1991). The political role of the military in Lebanon can be explained by several factors. First, the weakness of Lebanon’s political system and its inability to resolve crises between its members. Second, Lebanon’s divided society and its members’ general distrust towards its civilian politicians. Third, the basic characteristics of Lebanon’s military, which, in most periods, enjoyed broad public support that cuts across the lines of community, region, and family, and found appeal among domestic and external audiences, which, in their turn, acquiesced to its political role in the state.


1956 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 664
Author(s):  
Ruth Shonle Cavan ◽  
Maurice Duverger

2021 ◽  
pp. 101-138
Author(s):  
Per Selle ◽  
Kristin Strømsnes

A vibrant civil society is important in a democratic system, and society’s contact with, opposition to and control of the political system is crucial for the democratic system to survive. In this chapter we look at the relationship between the Sámi Parliament and Sámi civil society from several perspectives: those of the party leaders and representatives, the civil society organizations, and the voters. We find that Sámi interest and participation in civil society is at the same level as that of the population at large when we measure participation in Sámi and Norwegian organizations combined. We also find that the level and type of contact between the parties represented in the Sámi Parliament and Sámi civil society organizations is limited, and that little points to these organizations having an important advocacy role. Their control and opposition role is weak. We conclude that the political role of Sámi civil society is weak and challenging for the Sámi political system and democracy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 902-916
Author(s):  
Irina Deretic

In this paper I will discuss Aristotle?s controversial philosophical views on women. I will critically examine three main interpretations of his claim that women have deliberative faculty ?without authority?. According to the first line of interpretation, Aristotle has in mind that women?s incapacity of advice-giving and decision-making in public affairs are determined by conventions in the political context of his time. I will attempt to point out the disadvantages of this kind of interpretation. Furthermore, I will put forward the reasons why is implausible the more recent interpretation, given by Marguerite Deslauriers. According to her reading, the lack of authority of deliberative faculty in women means nothing else than the tasks over which women have authority are for the purpose of the tasks put forth by men. The prevailing interpretation among scholars is that, in Aristotle?s view, women are naturally inferior to men, due to the fact that they are all too frequently overruled by the irrational ?forces? of their nature. I will argue that this line of interpretation elucidates what Aristotle presumably has in mind, although it makes his account of women and their rationality, if not inconclusive, then indisputably problematic. In other words, I attempt to prove that, if the prevailing line of interpretation is correct, such view of women produces some philosophically ?insurmountable? problems for Aristotle. The aim of the last section of the paper is to point out how some of these problems could eventually be resolved.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 309
Author(s):  
Zaprulkhan Zaprulkhan

<p><strong>Abstract:</strong><strong><em> </em></strong><em>As if it never finished to talk about the role of women in the public sphere. This is because the role of women in the public sphere, particularly in their political role is considered to be less significant. Up to the third millennium, some scholars and intellectuals still had a negative view about the role of positive contribution of women in the political arena. They interpreted the Qor’an and the hadith (traditions of the Prophet, sayings of the Prophet)</em> <em>textually with which prohibited women involve in politics. Through constructive critics and holistic reconstruction, this study tried to explore the political role of women in the public sphere based on ‘notion’ of Musdah Mulia. According to Musdah, the important things that should be done was not only the reconstruction of the interpretation of the fundamental doctrines of Islam (Qur'an and Hadith), but also practical implementation in the fields of education, culture, and public policies. All reconstructions of woman</em> <em>role in political leadership should be carried out simultaneously in order to produce concrete changes. This is because there were a number of internal factors that had caused women not be able to play their role significantly in the political sphere that consisted of figure of women themselves who were unconfident and passive to the given opportunities they had. They also got lack of support; they were chained in stereotypes as guardians of household, and still confined by misogynistic tradition, as well as caused by the biased interpretation of religious doctrines related to the patriarchal values and gender domain.</em> <em></em></p><p dir="RTL"><strong>الملخص</strong> :كاد لا ينتهي الحديث عن دور المرأة في وسط المجتمع . وذلك لأن دورها فيه – وخاصة في المجال السياسي – قليل. وإلى هذا الحين لا يزال بعض العلماء والمثقفين نظروا إلى دور المرأة الإيجابي في وسط المجتمع نظرة سلبية.  فسّر هؤلاء الآيات القرآنية والأحاديث النبوية الناهية المرأة عن الاشتراك في المجال السياسي تفسيرا حرفيا. حاولت هذه الدراسة – بمدخل نقدي بنّاء شامل – دراسة الدور السياسي للمرأة وسط المجتمع فكرة موسدة موليا. ترى موسدة أن العمل الواجب قيامه به هو، ليس فقط إعادة طريقة تفسير القرآن والحديث بل كذلك إيجاد الحركات في مجال التربية، والثقافة، والقرارات الإجتماعية. وجميع إعادة بناء لدور المرأة لابد أن تقام جماعية لتحقيق التغيّر الواقعيّ. وهذا لأن هناك عوامل داخلية للمرأة تمنع المرأة للتدخّل في المجال السياسي، وهي عدم ثقتها بنفسها وعدم انتهازها للفرصة الموجودة. وكذلك التأييد لها قليل، محبوسة في ضوء المقولة " إنها ربّة البيت"،</p><p><strong>Abstrak: </strong><em>Membincang peran perempuan di wilayah publik, seakan tidak pernah selesai. Hal ini karena peran perempuan di wilayah publik ini, khususnya peran politik diyakini masih kurang signifikan. </em><em>Hingga memasuki milenium ketiga, masih terdapat sebagian ulama dan cendekiawan yang memandang negatif peran dan kontribusi positif kaum perempuan di ranah politik. Mereka melakukan interpretasi secara tekstual terhadap al-Quran dan hadis yang melarang kaum perempuan terlibat dalam politik. Melalui kritik konstruktif dan rekonstruksi holistik, kajian ini mencoba untuk mengeksplorasi peran politik kaum perempuan di ruang publik gagasan Musdah Mulia. Bagi Musdah, hal yang perlu dilakukan adalah tidak saja rekonstruksi interpretasi terhadap doktrin-doktrin fundamental Islam (al-Quran dan hadis), tapi juga gerakan praktis dalam bidang pendidikan, kebudayaan, dan kebijakan publik. Semua rekonstruksi terhadap peran kepemimpinan politik perempuan tersebut mesti dilakukan secara bersamaan agar menghasilkan perubahan secara konkret. Hal ini karena terdapat sejumlah faktor internal yang menyebabkan perempuan tidak bisa berperan secara signifikan dalam ranah politik yang mencakup pada sosok perempuan sendiri yang kurang percaya diri dan pasif terhadap peluang yang ada. Mereka juga kurang mendapat dukungan, terbelenggu stereotip sebagai penjaga ranah domestik, masih terkungkung tradisi misoginis, serta penafsiran agama yang bias nilai-nilai patriarki dan bias gender. </em></p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>perempuan, publik, steorotip, patriarkhi, tafsir agama.</p>


Author(s):  
خصيبة راشد اليماحي ◽  
الفاتح عبدالله عبد السلام

تهتم الورقة البحثية بدراسة دور المرأة في الحياة السياسية في دولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة نظرا لتنامي تأثيرها في السنوات العشر الماضية، وفي الحقيقة يبدو أن التأثير كان إيجابيا في مجمله لأن منظور العملية السياسية المبنية على اشراك الطرفين الرجل والمرأة أثبتت فعاليتها في كثير من دول العالم، وفي الإمارات بالأخص، ولكن يبقى هناك بعض الإشكاليات التي ارتأى البحث أن تسعى إليها المرأة في دولة الإمارات العربية لتفعل من تأثيرها على مجمل الحياة السياسية؛ حيث إن مشاركتها في الحياة السياسية مقتصرة حتى الآن على انتظار التغيير من أعلى الهرم السياسي. خلص البحث إلى اهتمام دولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة بوضع مجموعة من التشريعات التي تضمن للمرأة حقوقها في كافة المستويات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية أثر بشكل واضح على قدراتها التأثيرية في العملية السياسية، واشراك المرأة في عمليات التمكين الاقتصادي والسياسي أثر بشكل كبير في تحقيق نشاط سياسي واضح للمرأة الإماراتية. الكلمات المفتاحية: المشاركة السياسية، الانتخابات، الدور السياسي، الوزارات. Abstract The paper examines the role of women in political life in the United Arab Emirates due to their growing influence in the last ten years. In fact, the impact seems to be positive in its entirety because the perspective of the political process based on the involvement of both men and women has proven effective in many countries of the world and in UAE in particular. However, there are still some problems that the research found such as the fact that women have to wait for change to cascade down from the top of the political hierarchy. The study concluded that the UAE has set a group of legislations that guarantee women their rights at all social, economic and political levels, clearly affecting their influential capacities in the political process, and involving women in economic and political empowerment. Keywords: Political participation, election, political role, ministers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-90
Author(s):  
Hamdani Kurniawan ◽  
Ari Ganjar Herdiansah ◽  
Husin Muhammad Al-Banjari

Minority groups often get discriminatory treatment from the surrounding socio-political environment .Therefore, They always fight for their right through political path. This study examines the role of an actor in fighting for the minorities’ right in parliament by highlighting the case of Jalaludin Rakhmat when he was a member of the House of Representatives Council in 2014-2019. The focus of this study is highlighting the political role of Jalaludin Rakhmat in fighting for the interests of the Syiah Group in the DPR, including describing the various dynamics along with it. The method used in this study is qualitative by collecting in depth-interview data with Jalaludin Rakhmat, several PDIP politicians, Syiah figures in West Java, and socio-political observers. The documents reading related to Jalaludin Rakhmat’s activities in both scientific journals and national news was also carried out to deepen the context and issues of Syiah in Indonesia. The results of this study revealed that Jalaludin Rakhmat’s role in legislative represents an actor-centered effort to intervene in the political process which aims to provide space for Syia groups to fulfill their various interests. However, from its political intervention efforts, it turned out that there were not many pro-Syia policy products.The success of Jalaludin Rakhmat’s intervention can not be determined only by the ability of the actor, but also by the political structure in the DPR. In addition, the identity attached to an actor also affects the success of his achievements in fulfilling his interests. Minority interest issues are still considered politically disadvantageous for political parties. This study concludes that minority actors who make it into parliament do not necessarily correlate with the opening of the political system to the struggle of minority groups.


2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 939-962 ◽  
Author(s):  
EDUARDO POSADA-CARBÓ

ABSTRACTThis article examines the major role that newspapers played in Colombia, as central components of its political system, between 1830 and 1930. After some introductory remarks, the first section offers a general characterization of the Colombian press during the period, underlining its volatile existence, its national significance despite limited readership levels, and its overwhelming political nature in the hands of partisan editors. The second section analyses the political role of the press, by focusing on the crucial electoral functions performed by newspapers in launching candidates and providing them with platforms, serving as party organs, and measuring the amount of public support for candidates and parties. The article also explores the extent to which the press played a wider democratic role in supporting the suffrage, in instructing voters about rights and duties, and, by doing so, in forming an enduring sense of citizenship.


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