scholarly journals Argelia enrocada en la legislación: de la violencia política a la autocensura periodística como mal endémico

2018 ◽  
pp. 445
Author(s):  
Beatriz Alonso
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Los Grupos ◽  
Medios De Comunicacion ◽  
Violencia Politica

Resumen: Los medios de comunicación en Argelia, especialmente la prensa privada nacida en los albores de la guerra civil de los años noventa, han sido sometidos bajo el yugo de la violencia política desde casi sus orígenes, tanto por parte de las fuerzas represoras de la Administración como de los grupos armados (sean o no considerados terroristas). En un Estado autoritario como el argelino, los conflictos son exámenes potentes a los que se somete a la prensa, la cual puede ayudar a cimentar la democracia si se les permite a los profesionales trabajar. Una legislación que proteja el ejercicio periodístico es fundamental para garantizar la libertad de información.Palabras clave: Argelia, prensa, legislación, violencia política, autocensura, libertad.Abstract: Media in Algeria, especially the private press was born at the dawn of the civil war of the nineties, have been subdued under the yoke of political violence almost from its origins, by the repressive forces of the Administration and the armed groups, whether or not considered terrorists. In an authoritarian state like Algeria, conflicts are powerful tests. Press can help to found democracy if journalists could work effectively. A legislation to protect the practice of journalism is essential to ensure freedom of information.Keywords: Algeria, press, legislation, political violence, self-censorship, freedom.

Militias in Civil Wars

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (5) ◽  
pp. 755-769 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corinna Jentzsch ◽  
Stathis N. Kalyvas ◽  
Livia Isabella Schubiger
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Local Population ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
Integrated Study

Militias are an empirical phenomenon that has been overlooked by current research on civil war. Yet, it is a phenomenon that is crucial for understanding political violence, civil war, post-conflict politics, and authoritarianism. Militias or paramilitaries are armed groups that operate alongside regular security forces or work independently of the state to shield the local population from insurgents. We review existing uses of the term, explore the range of empirical manifestations of militias, and highlight recent findings, including those supplied by the articles in this special issue. We focus on areas where the recognition of the importance of militias challenges and complements current theories of civil war. We conclude by introducing a research agenda advocating the integrated study of militias and rebel groups.

scholarly journals Democracy and civil war: The case of Colombia

2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (6) ◽  
pp. 587-600 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abbey Steele ◽  
Livia I Schubiger
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Research Agenda ◽  
State Building ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Substantial Impact ◽  
Electoral Violence ◽  
Colombian Government

We argue that scholarship on the Colombian civil war can fertilize the research program on political violence and democracy in two ways. First, the Colombian case demonstrates that the scholarly research agenda on electoral violence should expand to incorporate a broader focus on democratic institutions. In the context of an ongoing civil war, democratic reforms in Colombia had a substantial impact on the dynamics of wartime violence. Second, the Colombian case showcases an overlooked danger of decentralization that, if implemented under the wrong conditions, can facilitate the capture of democratic institutions by political and criminal armed groups. These insights have important implications for the study of wartime democratic governance and state-building relevant both for the peace process between the Colombian government and the FARC, and for cases beyond Colombia.

Militias, Ideology, and the State

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (5) ◽  
pp. 770-793 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Staniland
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Armed Group ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
State Relations

Research on militias portrays them as subservient proxies of governments used to achieve tactical goals. The conventional wisdom, however, ignores the diversity of state–militia relations. This article outlines four distinct strategies that states can pursue toward militias, ranging from incorporation to suppression. It then argues that regime ideology shapes how governments perceive and deal with militias. A new theory of armed group political roles brings politics back into the study of militias. Comparative evidence from India and Pakistan shows that varying regime ideological projects contribute to different patterns of militia–state relations. These findings suggest that political ideas ought to be central to the study of political violence, militias should be studied in direct dialog with other armed groups, and a traditional focus on civil war should be replaced by the broader study of “armed politics.”

scholarly journals El Curilla, sus cómplices y la justicia franquistaThe Curilla, his accomplices and the Francoist justice system

2017 ◽  
pp. 307
Author(s):  
Fernando Del Rey Reguillo
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Justice System ◽  
New Order ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
Military Justice ◽  
Ciudad Real ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Los Grupos

A través del análisis en profundidad de un caso concreto del medio rural, correspondiente a los primeros años cuarenta del siglo pasado, este artículo aborda la forma en la que el régimen franquista aplicó los parámetros de la justicia militar, con toda su capacidad coercitiva, su ensañamiento y su arbitrariedad, a modalidades delictivas de rango menor –relacionadas con los hurtos en el campo– y vinculadas con el fenómeno de los “huidos en la sierra”. La trama estudiada se desarrolló en elCampo de Montiel, un territorio situado en la mitad sudoriental de la provincia de Ciudad Real, y el sujeto de la misma fueron la partida de los Chuchas, sus enlaces y encubridores. Aquel fue uno de los grupos armados pioneros contrarios al nuevo orden que se constituyeron en España al poco de finalizar la Guerra Civil, de ahí que también fuera uno de los primeros en sufrir los brutales rigores represivos de la dictadura.PALABRAS CLAVES: España, violencia política, maquis, represión franquista, siglo XX.ABSTRACTThrough an in-depth analysis of a specific rural case from the early 1940s, this article addresses the question of the way the Franco regime applied military justice codes in all their cruelty and arbitrariness to minor offenses such as petty theft in rural areas and those related to the phenomenon of “those who had fled to the mountains”. The case studied here unfolded in Campo de Montiel, an area in the mid-southeast of the province of Ciudad Real, and concerns the Los Chuchas group, its connections and those who protected it. This was one of the first armed groups to be formed in Spain shortly after the Civil War in opposition to the new order and thus one of the first to suffer the brutal repression of the dictatorship.KEY WORDS: Spain, political violence, maquis, Francoist repression, XXth century.

Conclusion

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaroslav Tir ◽  
Johannes Karreth
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Conflict Management ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Economic Incentives ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
Intergovernmental Organizations ◽  
State Fragility ◽  
International Environment

After summarizing the theoretical arguments and findings of this book, we discuss key lessons learned from our study. The international environment has a significant influence on civil war development and prevention. Amplifying their conflict-preventing influence on member-states, highly structured intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) often coordinate their activities, especially in the area of political violence and state fragility. We then identify a number of tangible, economic incentives as the main pathways of this influence. Overall, this book suggests that the economic benefits of peace provide a potent temptation—for both governments and rebels—to settle low-level armed conflict before it can escalate to full-scale civil war. With these lessons learned, we also identify suggestions for both the research into and practice of conflict management. The chapter closes by pointing to opportunities for making use of our findings to further capitalize on the role of highly structured IGOs in civil war prevention.

Women, the Civil War, and Reconstruction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah Rosen
Keyword(s):  
Native American ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
Native American Women ◽  
Black And White ◽  
The Us ◽  
Women's Lives ◽  
Class Hierarchies ◽  
Us Civil War

The rapid transformations brought on by the US Civil War and its aftermath touched women’s lives in contradictory ways. The disruption caused by war and the destruction of slavery opened up space, and at times created the necessity, for radically new roles for women that challenged antebellum gender norms and racial and class hierarchies. This essay examines the wartime and postwar experiences primarily of black and white but also Native American women. In this period, many women faced new circumstances that inspired them to confront power in novel ways—by, for instance, fleeing slavery, petitioning governors, organizing bread riots, participating in political parades, or protesting segregation. The chapter also explores political violence in the postwar period that affected women differently across class, race, and region and that eventually helped to shut down the radical potential of the era.

scholarly journals Los desplazamientos forzados como riesgos sociales asociados a las condiciones de la violencia política en Colombia

Sociologias ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (34) ◽  
pp. 156-184
Author(s):  
Aloisio Ruscheinsky ◽  
Esteban Nina Baltazar
Keyword(s):  
Los Grupos ◽  
Violencia Politica

En territorio colombiano los desplazados delimitan una categoría migratoria peculiar, pues se sitúan en lo provisorio y están enredados por múltiples incertezas. Este artículo presenta una caracterización de la ambigüedad del sistema de protección social y la política social de mitigación de la pobreza entre la población en situación de desplazamiento. Las causas del fenómeno tienen que ver con las desigualdades persistentes y los grupos al margen de la ley para lograr el control de tierras en zonas estratégicas para el narcotráfico, poder político, tráfico de armas y contrabando. Los reiterados vacíos y fracasos en la atención a la población desplazada evidencian la incapacidad del Estado Social de Derecho en el proceso de consolidación de la política social como estrategia institucional.

Thai Buddhism, Thai Buddhists and the southern conflict

2009 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan McCargo
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Local Identity ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Southern Border ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Financial Arrangements

Thailand's ‘southern border provinces’ of Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat – along with four districts of neighbouring Songkhla – are the site of fiery political violence characterised by daily killings. The area was historically a Malay sultanate, and was only loosely under Thai suzerainty until the early twentieth century. During the twentieth century there was periodic resistance to Bangkok's attempts to suppress local identity and to incorporate this largely Malay-speaking, Muslim-majority area into a predominantly Buddhist nation-state. This resistance proved most intense during the 1960s and 1970s, when various armed groups (notably PULO [Patani United Liberation Organization] and BRN [Barisan Revolusi Nasional]) waged war on the Thai state, primarily targeting government officials and the security forces. In the early 1980s, the Prem Tinsulanond government brokered a deal with these armed groups and proceeded to co-opt the Malay-Muslim elite. By crafting mutually beneficial governance, security and financial arrangements, the Thai state was able largely to placate local political demands.

scholarly journals The Organization of Political Violence by Insurgencies

2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Roos Haer
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Probit Model ◽  
Ordered Probit ◽  
Process Theory ◽  
Ordered Probit Model ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Human Right ◽  
Armed Group ◽  
The World ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractA range of theories have attempted to explain the variation in civilian abuse of warring parties. Most of these theories have been focused on the strategic environment in which these acts take place. Less attention is devoted to the perpetrators of these human right abuses themselves: the armed groups. This study tries to fill this niche by using the organizational process theory in which it is assumed that armed groups, like every organization, struggles for survival. The leader tries to ensure the maintenance of her armed group by increasing her control over her troops. The relationship between the level of control and the perpetrated civilian abuse is examined with a new dataset on the internal structure of more than 70 different armed groups around the world. With the help of a Bayesian Ordered Probit model, this new dataset on civilian abuse is analyzed. The results show that especially particular incentives play an important role.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document