scholarly journals La arteria cultural del cuerpo estatal: el campo de las Bellas Artes en la construcción del Estado liberal español (1833-1874)

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 245
Author(s):  
Ainhoa Gilarranz Ibáñez

Resumen: A partir de la década de los 90, un conjunto de historiadores reabrió el debate sobre la construcción del estado-nación con miradas que fluctuaban entre una estructura fuerte o débil de los estados europeos. El giro cultural en la historia contemporánea introdujo nuevos puntos de vista que podrían resumirse en un estudio “desde abajo” de la construcción estatal, en el que los imaginarios, las identidades y el individuo eran el principal corpus analítico. Continuando con esta línea, las siguientes páginas profundizan en las posibilidades que la mirada cultural ofrece en el estudio de un proceso histórico tan complejo. En concreto, cómo observar el campo artístico, fraccionado en sus instituciones, universos simbólicos y agentes, se podrían iluminar algunas de las sombras de la construcción del Estado-nación decimonónico.Palabras clave: Estado liberal, siglo XIX, historia cultural, arte.Abstract: In the 1990s, a group of historians reopened the debate on the building of nation states. Perspectives swung between a strong or a weak structure for European states. This cultural wave in contemporary history introduced new viewpoints that can now be summarised in a “bottom up” analysis of state building. Continuing with this line of thought, this work explores the possibilities opened up by adopting a cultural perspective of such a complex historical process. Specifically, how observing the artistic field, with its lines dividing institutions, symbolic universes and agents, could shed new light on nineteenth-century nation-state building.Key words: liberal State, 19th century, Cultural history, art.

Author(s):  
Andrés Baeza Ruz

This is a study on the relations between Britain and Chile during the Spanish American independence era (1806–1831). These relations were characterised by a dynamic, unpredictable and changing nature, being imperialism only one and not the exclusive way to define them. The book explores how Britons and Chileans perceived each other from the perspective of cultural history, considering the consequences of these ‘cultural encounters’ for the subsequent nation–state building process in Chile. From 1806 to 1831 both British and Chilean ‘state’ and ‘non–state’ actors interacted across several different ‘contact zones’, and thereby configured this relationship in multiple ways. Although the extensive presence of ‘non–state’ actors (missionaries, seamen, educators and merchants) was a manifestation of the ‘expansion’ of British interests to Chile, they were not necessarily an expression of any British imperial policy. There were multiple attitudes, perceptions, representations and discourses by Chileans on the role played by Britain in the world, which changed depending on the circumstances. Likewise, for Britons, Chile was represented in multiple ways, being the image of Chile as a pathway to other markets and destinations the most remarkable. All these had repercussions in the early nation–building process in Chile.


2020 ◽  
Vol 79 (3) ◽  
pp. 685-706
Author(s):  
Leigh K. Jenco ◽  
Jonathan Chappell

Many historians of China, particularly those based in North America, insist that the Qing dynasty's territorial expansion was imperial and comparable to the imperial expansions of other global empires. Other historians, particularly but not only those based in the People's Republic of China, continue to resist this interpretation. They argue that dynastic expansion in the Ming and Qing periods was simply a form of nation-state building, akin to similar processes in Europe. Rather than rejecting their claims as a product of Chinese nationalism, we argue that the term “empire” should be (re)understood as a global co-production, emerging from multiple intersecting histories and scholarly debates about those histories. Doing so challenges influential definitions of empire that rely on a distinction between empires and nation-states, highlighting their dual presence in both Euro-American and Chinese pasts (and presents). This move demands a rejection of periodizations that suggest that empires ceased to exist following the period of decolonization from 1945 to the 1970s. This opens up new avenues of historical and normative inquiry to acknowledge the modern continuity between empires and nation-states.


Author(s):  
Sharada Balachandran Orihuela

This chapter examines the ways early nineteenth century authors framed piracy as an instrument of state growth, anti-colonial resistance, as well as a rationale for imperial expansion and intervention in the Americas in William Gilmore Simms’s The Yemassee (1835), John Brougham’s 1857 play Columbus, El Filibustero!, James Fenimore Cooper’s The Red Rover: A Tale (1829) and The Water Witch; or, The Skimmer of the Seas (1830), as well as El Filibustero: Novela Historica (1864), written by Yucatec author Eligio Ancona. In a climate of rapid national expansion, nineteenth century authors used the pirate as a central character to plot national(ist) narratives. Given piracy’s relationship to both state-building and anti-colonial enterprises, as well as piracy’s capacity to both facilitate and threaten property ownership, piracy helps us understand the radical and repressive regimes of American power. The historical novels examined in this chapter are interested in the shadowy origins of the American nation-state, as much as they are with the potentially conflicted present and future of these nation-states.


2021 ◽  
pp. 45-74
Author(s):  
Luis Roniger

This chapter discusses how separate nation-states crystallized, turning Latin America into a multistate region subject to persistent transnational trends. The story of Latin America as a multistate region is one of contested territorial boundaries and a tension-ridden consolidation of separate collective identities out of a tapestry of transnational interaction. The chapter traces how states were constructed and narrated national formation; how transnational visions continued to reverberate; how transnational events such as wars were framed as national; and how transnational social movements promoted interstate connections, sometimes trying to recreate the lost unity of earlier times and the transnational visions of some of the founding fathers of independence. The textual discussion addresses cases of the Southern Andean and Río de la Plata expanses, namely Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, Uruguay, and Brazil, as well as Central America, including primarily El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. The chapter also embeds references to the Latin American countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-165
Author(s):  
Ruth Glynn

This Special Issue explores how cultural production and practice understand and articulate the changing relationship between city and nation, in the light of globalization and the increasing freedom of cities to build, brand and promote themselves independent of the nation state. The Introduction maps the scholarship pertaining to cultural engagements with city and nation, highlighting their separation into two distinct spheres. It reviews the existing scholarship on city‐nation relations in the field of urban studies (where discussion has centred on the emergence of ‘world cities’ and their implications for nation states) and in urban history. It locates in Vivian Bickford-Smith’s work on cities and nationalism in South Africa a rich source of inspiration for the volume’s complementary study of the role played by cultural production and practice in articulating, shaping and negotiating understandings of city and nation in contemporary Europe. It closes with an overview of the contributing articles.


1993 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 355-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan J. Linz

This essay discusses, from a historical and contemporary perspective, the processes of state and nation building. The difficulties of making every nation a state and every state a nation, and the fact that people live intermingled within the borders of states and have different and often dual identity leads to arguments for multi-national states, states which abandon the dream of becoming nation states and ‘nations’ willing to live in a multi-national democratic liberal state.


2020 ◽  
pp. 14-31
Author(s):  
Christine Leuenberger ◽  
Izhak Schnell

It is central for international relations to support state- and nation-building; “nation-building” entails forging common national identities, and “state-building” consists of establishing infrastructures to enhance governance. This chapter examines some of the ways that nation-states have been made—through narratives, ideas, and practices as well as through technologies and infrastructures—and how this has been reproduced in Israel/Palestine. Various disciplines were recruited to the service of nation-state building. Cartography helped stake out a territory, history and archaeology were used to make claims on it, and geographers were called on to formulate a new geography of the new homeland. At the same time, the Zionist vision and a Jewish metaculture as well as the quasi-state institutions of the Yishuv contributed to the establishment of the Israeli state. Throughout the 20th century, the high-modernist state used science and technology to take on its people as a state project. Israel exemplifies how the use of science and technology contributed to the belief that a society, its people, and its territories could be known, managed, and improved. Science and technology charted grand new futures for societies, furthering scientific and technical frontiers, expanding the power of states, and leaving behind all those people and lands that were not considered part of the state-building process.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 5582
Author(s):  
Daniele Conversi

This article argues that we need to look at living examples provided by non-state communities in various regions of the world that are, perhaps unwittingly, contributing to the maintenance of the Earth’s optimal thermal balance. These fully sustainable communities have been living outside the mainstream for centuries, even millennia, providing examples in the global struggle against the degradation of social–ecological systems. They have all, to varying degrees, embraced simple forms of living that make them ‘exemplary ethical communities’ (EECs)—human communities with a track record of sustainability related to forms of traditional knowledge and the capacity to survive outside the capitalist market and nation-state system. The article proceeds in three steps: First, it condenses a large body of research on the limits of the existing nation-state system and its accompanying ideology, nationalism, identifying this institutional–ideological complex as the major obstacle to tackling climate change. Second, alternative social formations that could offer viable micro-level and micro-scale alternatives are suggested. These are unlikely to identify with existing nation-states as they often form distinct types of social communities. Taking examples from hunter-gatherer societies and simple-living religious groups, it is shown how the protection and maintenance of these EECs could become the keystone in the struggle for survival of humankind and other forms of life. Finally, further investigation is called for, into how researchers can come forward with more examples of actually existing communities that might provide pathways to sustainability and resistance to the looming global environmental catastrophe.


Author(s):  
KEVIN DUONG

This essay reconstructs an important but forgotten dream of twentieth-century political thought: universal suffrage as decolonization. The dream emerged from efforts by Black Atlantic radicals to conscript universal suffrage into wider movements for racial self-expression and cultural revolution. Its proponents believed a mass franchise could enunciate the voice of colonial peoples inside imperial institutions and transform the global order. Recuperating this insurrectionary conception of the ballot reveals how radicals plotted universal suffrage and decolonization as a single historical process. It also places decolonization’s fate in a surprising light: it may have been the century’s greatest act of disenfranchisement. As dependent territories became nation-states, they lost their voice in metropolitan assemblies whose affairs affected them long after independence.


Human Affairs ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Filippo Zerilli

AbstractIn the past two decades academic and research literature on “corruption” has flourished. During the same period organizations and initiatives fighting against corruption have also significantly expanded, turning “anti-corruption” into a new research subject. However, despite a few exceptions there is a division of labor between scholars who study corruption itself and those who study the global anti-corruption industry. Juxtaposing corruption’s local discourses and anti-corruption international practices, this article is an attempt to bring together these two intertwined research dimensions and explore how an ethnographic approach might contribute to framing them together. Firstly, it describes how corruption in Romania is often conceptualized and explained in terms of national heritage, something related to old and recent cultural history, including traditional folklore. Secondly, it explores how anti-corruption works in practice, focusing on international legal cooperation projects monitoring the progress and shortcomings both prior to and post Romania’s accession to the European Union. Finally, revealing the articulations of these two apparently unrelated research fields, the article argues that corruption’s local explanations and the circular logic of auditing observed within the anti-corruption industry share a common developmental ideology mirroring the crypto-colonialist structure of power relations and dependency among European nation-states emerging out of the Cold War.


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