From the ‘Indignados Movement’ to power politics: a critical study of the theoretical underpinnings of ‘Podemos’

Author(s):  
Javier Zamora García,

This paper was awarded the Gillian Rose Memorial Prize for Social and Political Thought 2015, awarded to the best essay produced by a candidate for the MA in Social and Political Thought at the University of Sussex. The following is a shortened version of the original dissertation. This paper argues that the theoretical foundations of Podemos are grounded in a series of premises that do not sufficiently challenge the political logic of liberal representative democracy. This forces the party to adopt a model that presents some similarities with what is encouraged by other realist theories of democracy such as Schumpeter’s or Down’s. As a result, the party has faced serious problems in escaping the competitive, hierarchical and efficacy-driven dynamic of a conception of politics that derives from an overemphasis on the goal of electoral victory. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2 (22)) ◽  
pp. 106-118
Author(s):  
Gabriella Macciocca

The history of the language represents a moment of deep knowledge in the development of the political thought of the Nation. With regard to the Italian language, we must recognize observations and summaries of linguistic history produced ever since the origins of the language itself. A short number of examples, coming from the history of the Italian language, and from the history of Italian literature, will be considered. We will consider in which way the language has been taught over time and the University statement.



2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 8-24
Author(s):  
А. V. Marey

The author considers the evolution of the concept “people” in the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, Samuel Pufendorf and Benedict Spinoza. The political thought of Europe in the 17th century demonstrates a conscious turn from the medieval scholastic tradition of thinking about people and power. Politics begins to be thought of as a complex of human ac­tions aimed at achieving certain human goals. This, in turn, leads to the rationalisation of politics and, as a consequence, to the rejection of one of the most powerful mystical and theo­logical abstractions of the late Middle Ages — the concept “people” as a kind of mystical body. Protestant science makes a clear choice in favour of interpreting the concept as an “arti­ficial person”. The author emphasizes that the introduction of the concept “natural state” led to changes in the ontological status of people in political theory. The concept “people” becomes “a flickering subject” that appears during the transition from a natural state to a civil one and disappears when the transition goes in the opposite direction. In a civil state, people become an active subject when they perform the function of the legislator. In other cases, people as a political subject transform into a certain multitude, consisting of separate individuals.



Ethnicities ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 200-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Brahm Levey

Tariq Modood, Bhikhu Parekh, Nasar Meer and Varun Uberoi are well known for their defence of multiculturalism in Britain and beyond. The article contends that the collective oeuvre of these and other scholars associated with the University of Bristol’s Centre for the Study of Ethnicity and Citizenship represents a distinctive and important school of multicultural political thought, a ‘Bristol school of multiculturalism’. The school challenges the liberal biases of much of the corpus of multicultural political thinking and the nostrums of British and other western democracies regarding the status of the majority culture as well as of cultural minorities. It is an identarian and assertive multiculturalism that, above all, seeks inclusion and a sense of belonging in the national community. The article situates the Bristol school in the British context in which it arose, outlines its distinctive approach and principles and critically assesses its positions on liberalism and national identity. It also raises the question of the political acceptability of the Bristol school’s ‘muscular multiculturalism’.



Worldview ◽  
1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 13-15
Author(s):  
Richard W. Sterling

These comments were not inspired by the articles in recent issues of worldview, but they have, I think, a decided revelance. A Smith student told me recently of a Vietnam teach-in held cooperatively by Smith, Holyoke, Amherst and the University of Massachusetts. She discussed some of the speakers at this teach-in—among them a physicist, a professor of English, and a political scientist. The only trouble was, she said, the physics and English professors kept raising moral issues, and all we heard from the political professor in reply was power politics.I think this remark highlights a very serious issue today in American discussions about Vietnam. If one side is talking only moral issues and the other talking only power politics, there is no true dialogue. People only end up shouting at each other.



2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 467-472
Author(s):  
Alexander R.  Panov

The article is devoted to the next, 23rd edition of the university series «Russian Socio-Political Thought» devoted to V.V. Rozanov. The main part of the issue constitutes the monograph by O.E. Puchnina «The Political Worldview of V.V. Rozanov». As it’s emphasized in the article, in regard to V.V. Rozanov the approach involving unambiguous definitions and assessments is unpromising. Of primary importance is the original creative method of V.V. Rozanov, but not the ready answers and solutions that the philosopher never tried to give, and one can only come to understanding him by empathizing and realizing how relative the truth is in the socio-political sphere and how great the variety of interpretations of the phenomena of reality surrounding us. The author of the monograph proceeds from this understanding, therefore she manages to achieve the most important issue, that is to weave «inappropriate» and «ambiguous» Rozanov into the general panorama of Russia’s sociopolitical thought of the late 19th – early 20th century, to raise to the new level the historical and political aspects of his work, and also to show the originality of his worldview.



2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 349
Author(s):  
Maciej Marszał

Zygmunt Wojciechowski’s Assessment of the History-Based Policy in the Interwar PeriodSummary This paper will provide an analysis of the History-Based Politics in thoughts of Zygmunt Wojciechowski (1900–1955) – history profesor at the University of Poznań, co-founder of the Baltic Institute (Instytut Bałtycki) in Toruń, publicist of the “Avant-garde” and expert on PolishGerman relations. Wojciechowski in Polish political thought was a representative of the Integral Polish nationalism (polski nacjonalizm integralny), which meant synthesis of national and state’s demands. He opted for the ideological formula in order to reach an agreement between the political heritage of Roman Dmowski and the Józef Piłsudski’s political reforms. For Wojciechowski, a professor of history, an important element of national consciousness was the historical awareness that the Polish state must continuously maintain through History-Based Policy. According to him, this policy should focus on three main issues: First, the expansion on the tradition referring to the beginning of Polish statehood. Second issue would be to make Poles aware of their international situation, especially in the context of their struggle with the Germanic and Prussian element. And the third issue would be to revise and update the values of the Constitution of May 3. It should be noted that the views of Zygmunt Wojciechowski on History-Based Policy in the interwar period were a part of a political discourse. His bold and uncompromising thoughts of the Polish-German relations and the demand to return the “Lands of Piasts” (ziemie Piastów) constituted an important element of the Integral Polish nationalism. It wouldn’t be too far-fetched to say that the desire to carry-on the political will of Jan Ludwik Popławski and bring the Poles back to their “ancestral lands” (ziemie macierzyste) was present in Polish historical consciousness of the interwar period.



2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 689-695
Author(s):  
Norberto Bobbio

 O texto consiste num discurso pronunciado por Norberto Bobbio em 29 de março de 1996 na Aula Magna da Universidade de Turim, por ocasião do desenvolvimento da Conferência Intergovernamental da União Europeia. Bobbio aborda o pensamento político e o irenismo erasmianos, baseados respectivamente numa concepção cristã de política e numa concepção ético-religiosa de pacifismo.Palavras-chave: Erasmo, irenismo, cristianismo, guerra, paz.   Abstract: This paper is a speech by Norberto Bobbio on March 29, 1996 in the Aula Magna of the University of Turin, on the development of the European Union Intergovernmental Conference. Bobbio addresses the political thought and Erasmians irenicism, respectively, based on a policy of Christian conception and a conception of ethical-religious pacifism.Keywords: Erasmus, irenicism, Christianity, war, peace 



Author(s):  
Beatrice Marovich

Few of Giorgio Agamben’s works are as mysterious as his unpublished dissertation, reportedly on the political thought of the French philosopher Simone Weil. If Weil was an early subject of Agamben’s intellectual curiosity, it would appear – judging from his published works – that her influence upon him has been neither central nor lasting.1 Leland de la Durantaye argues that Weil’s work has left a mark on Agamben’s philosophy of potentiality, largely in his discussion of the concept of decreation; but de la Durantaye does not make much of Weil’s influence here, determining that her theory of decreation is ‘essentially dialectical’ and still too bound up with creation theology. 2 Alessia Ricciardi, however, argues that de la Durantaye’s dismissal of Weil’s influence is hasty.3 Ricciardi analyses deeper resonances between Weil’s and Agamben’s philosophies, ultimately claiming that Agamben ‘seems to extend many of the implications and claims of Weil’s idea of force’,4 arguably spreading Weil’s influence into Agamben’s reflections on sovereign power and bare life.



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