The Bristol school of multiculturalism

Ethnicities ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 200-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Brahm Levey

Tariq Modood, Bhikhu Parekh, Nasar Meer and Varun Uberoi are well known for their defence of multiculturalism in Britain and beyond. The article contends that the collective oeuvre of these and other scholars associated with the University of Bristol’s Centre for the Study of Ethnicity and Citizenship represents a distinctive and important school of multicultural political thought, a ‘Bristol school of multiculturalism’. The school challenges the liberal biases of much of the corpus of multicultural political thinking and the nostrums of British and other western democracies regarding the status of the majority culture as well as of cultural minorities. It is an identarian and assertive multiculturalism that, above all, seeks inclusion and a sense of belonging in the national community. The article situates the Bristol school in the British context in which it arose, outlines its distinctive approach and principles and critically assesses its positions on liberalism and national identity. It also raises the question of the political acceptability of the Bristol school’s ‘muscular multiculturalism’.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2 (22)) ◽  
pp. 106-118
Author(s):  
Gabriella Macciocca

The history of the language represents a moment of deep knowledge in the development of the political thought of the Nation. With regard to the Italian language, we must recognize observations and summaries of linguistic history produced ever since the origins of the language itself. A short number of examples, coming from the history of the Italian language, and from the history of Italian literature, will be considered. We will consider in which way the language has been taught over time and the University statement.


wisdom ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (7) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Ashot VOSKANIAN

Given peculiarity of Armenian history, the Armenian political thought for centuries debated around geopolitical orientation between neighboring great powers. In post-Soviet reflections, however, the emphasis has been moved towards self-reliance, and the very principle of political orientation was questioned. The attitude towards Israel Ori, whose name was viewed as a symbol of the principle of orientation, became the locums for determining the political-ideological disposition of debater, as well as understanding their approaches towards different concepts of national identity. A brief comparison between the conceptual paradigms of two renowned historians Ashot Hovhannisyan (1887-1972) and Leo (Arakel Babakhanyan, 1860-1932) in relation to their attitude towards Israel Ori aims to demonstrate that questioning of the very principle of orientation has much deeper roots in Armenian historical studies than commonly is believed. It also illuminates the complex relationship between principle of orientation and desired model of social structure of society, which these two classics have revealed in rather different ways.


2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-50
Author(s):  
Sándor Hites

AbstractThe first part of this paper deals with how Sándor Petőfi (aka Alexander Petrovits) was elevated to the status of Hungarian national poet from an ethnically non-Magyar and otherwise controversial background (a dubious birthplace and mother tongue, a mysterious death). In a dynamic of longing and belonging, Petőfi himself was keen to shape and reshape the various layers of his ethno-cultural, regional and political identities, drawing on mythical and modern elements in equal measure, and, through his inclination for role playing, sometimes even ironizing the gestures of identity fashioning. The second part surveys the political appropriations and both material and symbolic rituals of cult formation regarding his life and works. In conclusion, I analyze the rhetorical rite of admitting an ‘alien’ into the national community that was performed in Petőfi’s critical afterlife, with a brief excursion into the similar or counter-gestures it provoked in Slovak nationalism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 35-51
Author(s):  
Piotr Bukowczyk

Religious policy in the thought of the Austrian Christian Social Party 1918−1934In the paper I present the vision of a relation between the state and religious denominations and the status of atheists and free-thinkers delineated in the political thought of the Christian Social Party Christlichsoziale Partei, active in Austria-Hungary and the First Republic of Austria, Christian-democratic, after 1931 influenced by Italian fascism and inclining towards authoritarianism. I infer it from its propaganda materials books, brochures, press articles, leaflets, posters and legislation enacted under its governmentI also show the impact of the social, cultural and political context on the postulates of the Christian Social Party with regard to religious policy.


2006 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2 (2)) ◽  
pp. 123-131
Author(s):  
Armen Ayvazyan

The article offers a comparative analysis of the data in Armenian, English, French and Russian sources trying to comment on the political and social settings in which a native language becomes a subject of nationwide love and pride. The author concludes that it happens when an ethnic group, which has already attained a high level of cultural awareness, adopts consistent and stable features typical of a nation. Later, with the support of the political elite, the intelligentsia carries out the further elaboration of the national self-consciousness which, in its turn, aims to analyze the elements of the national identity (including the national language) and to give theoretical and ideological explanations substantiating their necessity and efficiency.The author of the article states that as far back as the 5th century the Armenian intelligentsia highly regarded the cultural and political and strategic significance of the Armenian Language. Following the observations made by Pavstos Byuzand, Movses Khorenatsi and Yeghishe, the author comments on the clarity of the Armenian national self-consciousness and the high level of ideologization of the Armenian political thought. *  This is an abridged version of the study with the same title that was originally published by the author in Armenian as Mayreni lezun yev azgaynakanutian skzbnavorume. haykakan yev yevropakan skzbnaghbyurneri hamematakan knnutiun (Yerevan, Matenadaran: Artagers, 2001, the updated 2nd ed. was published in 2004).


2021 ◽  
Vol 38 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 131-142
Author(s):  
Oliver Marchart

Among theorists associated with the first generation of the Frankfurt School, Herbert Marcuse’s position is singular in that he provides us with an unabashedly affirmative theory of politics as liberatory practice. The article discusses Marcuse’s contribution to political thought by pointing out how, in particular, three aspects remain highly pertinent to contemporary thought: (a) his account of freedom as potentiality, to be actualized in political practice; (b) his conception of the political pre-figuration or pre-enactment of a liberated society; and (c) his rehabilitation of the human faculty of imagination that allows us to overcome the reality principle of the status quo by venturing, qua practice, into the realm of the revolutionary surreal, thereby enlarging the horizon of what is politically imaginable. In a final step Marcuse’s contribution is contrasted with contemporary theories of the political.


2006 ◽  
Vol 2006 (178) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xhevat Lloshi

AbstractThe status of Albanian as a national standard has become a matter of serious debate. In 1972 Standard Albanian (SA) was adopted in public communications and in schools. But after the political changes in Albania in 1991–1992 the language question was reopened, calling into question the SA. The roots of the present-day debate are to be found in the dialectal division of Albanian, the historical establishment of a number of written varieties, and the standardization achieved during the years of the Communist regime. This article describes how Standard Albanian was established and the recent developments. For the future it poses the question: Will there be one Albanian national identity, or two Albanian national identities? The answer is that Albanians already have a good standard language, though with many problems, of course, and much work needs to be done for its enrichment and improvement, but Albanians have no need to create a new standard, or to undergo a glosso-ectomy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (8) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelena Vukoičić

Myth represents the narrative based on the particular historical event, whichconsists of both objective facts and fi ctitious elements. Th is phenomenon hasan important social and political role, and represents the constituent part ofethnic and national identity. One of the basic functions of myth is its role inthe strengthening of bonds within one ethnic or national community, and,at the same time, the establishment of the borders between that and othercommunities. Th e social and political power that some historical myths haveespecially gains importance in the periods of security crisis, when these narrativesbecome the important part of ethnic mobilizations. Historical events,embodied in myths, are one of the most powerful “weapons” used by elites tomanipulate masses, as well as to generate and control the process of ethnicmobilization. Members of the political elites who can revive the myth canalso mobilize people, exclude those who do not belong to the group, suppresscertain memories, establish solidarity and strengthen the hierarchy of statusesand values.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Febianti Nurul Adha ◽  
Moses Glorino Rumambo Pandin

The book entitled "The Death of Epidemiologists: Capital Expansion and the Origin of Covid19" has a total of 258 pages with very dense content and many sources of writing. This book waswritten by Rob Wallace in 2020, then translated by A. Faricha Mantika, and published by IndependentPublishers the following year. Rob Wallace is an evolutionary biologist and public healthphylogeography currently working as a researcher at the Institute for Global Studies at the University ofMinnesota. Rob Wallace is also the author of Big Farms Make Big Flu, Dead Epidemiologist, and thesoon-to-be-published Revolution Space, all three published by the Monthly Review Press. Based on thetable of contents, the book contains 12 chapters, two of which are chapters 1 and 4 containinginterviews conducted by Rob Wallace. The purpose of writing the book is an attempt by the author to answer the main question,namely, how did the origin of covid-19? Furthermore, the writing of this book also aims to describehow the economic system causes the death of epidemiologists. Why is the denial and justification of thevirus their way of the ruling class to exist? And why is it impossible for the ruling class to play a role instopping this radical change and the virus? Therefore, the purpose of writing the book is to explain howthe origin of the covid-19 virus and how epidemiologists submit and die by the expansion of capitalbelonging to the ruling class, as well as explain the political tools of "justification and denial" by theruling class to maintain the status quo.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Campbell

This paper uses Israel’s 2018 Nation-State Law, which guarantees the “ethnic-religious character of Israel as exclusively Jewish,” as a lens to reveal the ongoing socio-political change in Israel and processes of democratic erosion. In addition to having immediate relevance for contemporary Israeli policy, especially concerning the status of Arab Israelis and the likely annexation of the West Bank, the law poses a profound, existential challenge for the maintenance of Israel as a democratic state. Drawing on Fareed Zakaria’s theory of “illiberal democracy,” this paper analyses the implications of this law for Israel, for the linked concepts of liberalism and democracy, and for the future of the democratic state in an increasingly illiberal world. The law is a culmination of other basic laws and political thresholds, and accelerates settler colonialism. Gaining more international attention than previous basic laws, the political thresholds prior to the Nation-State Law and cumulative legislation building up to the debate have been ignored. Analysing these thresholds will reveal the efficacy of supporting such a law and using nationhood provisions in other Western democratic constitutions as justification. This paper is a warning: to act upon seemingly insignificant anti-democratic legislation before political actions become irreparable.     The law is a culmination of other basic laws, political thresholds, and accelerates settler colonialism. Gaining more international attention than previous basic laws, direct discriminatory implications on Arab minorities as well as powerful legal consequences, the political thresholds prior to the Nation-State Law and cumulative legislation building up to the debate have been ignored. This paper will hopefully reveal the efficacy of supporting such a law and using the nationhood provisions in other constitutions in Western democracies as justification. This paper is a warning: to act upon seemingly insignificant anti-democratic legislation before political actions become irreparable.  


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