scholarly journals Kumarasingham (ed.), Viceregalism: The Crown as Head of State in Political Crises in the Post War Commonwealth (Palgrave Macmillan, 2020)

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 243
Author(s):  
Carolyn Harris
2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
PEPIJN CORDUWENER

ABSTRACTThis article explores how political parties in France, West Germany, and Italy conceptualized democracy and challenged the conceptions of democracy of their political adversaries between the end of the 1940s and the early 1960s. It studies from a comparative perspective the different conceptions of democracy held by Christian democrat, Left-wing, and Gaullist political actors and shows how these diverged on key issues such as the economic system, foreign policy, the separation of powers, electoral systems, and the use of state institutions in the defence of democracy against anti-democratic forces. In this way, the article reveals how in the first fifteen years after the Second World War, government and opposition parties disputed each other's democratic credentials and political legitimacy, and it thereby reconsiders the claim that there existed a broad consensus on the meaning of democracy among political elites in post-war Western Europe. It is argued that these different conceptions of democracy only started to converge after they had clashed during political crises at the turn of the 1960s in all three states. This study thereby contributes to an enhanced understanding the formation of the post-war democratic order in Western Europe.


Author(s):  
Mary Corcoran

This chapter discusses the utopian intellectual origins of some strands of contemporary free market ideas and practices from their post-war revival via thinkers such as Friedrich Hayek, whose ideas went on to influence the New Right following economic and political crises of the 1970s. The discussion then draws on Karl Polanyi’s (1945) Origins of our Time: The Great Transformation, where he first gave theoretical expression to the concept of a ‘market society’. Published just after the Second World War and in the context of emerging welfare states, these thinkers marked out the ideological divides that have dominated political-economic thought since. The chapter considers the pre-eminence of free market ideology with regards to penal politics and thinking. It concludes by noting that predictions of the withering away of outsourcing and competitive regimes in the aftermath of the financial crisis which began in 2007-8 appear to be a ‘false dawn’. However, a change in direction may be imminent in the wake of controversial and costly terminations of penal service contracts.


1985 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renata Siemieʼnska

Problems besetting the Polish society in the post-war period (massive migration, reconstruction of the country after war-time destruction, industrialization involving high social costs, sluggish growth of living standards, recurring strains and political crises) united society more than divided it along sex lines. High legal equality and fast industrialization combined with widespread occupational mobilization of women, without, howover, ensuring their real equality, resulted in the emergence in some socio-occupational groups of attitudes that at times (especially recently) are quite different than demands for women's greater social and political activity.


Author(s):  
M. F. Moskaliuk

The article analyzes the specifics of the transformation of the national Presidency against the background of important social and resonant events of the early twenty-first century: The Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity. A political analysis of presidential election campaigns in 2004 and 2014 has been carried out. It has been proved that the change in the form of the republican government in Ukraine and the powers of the head of state during this period took place in the context of political crises and the consequences of the orange and eurointegration squares. Particular attention is paid to the evolution of the constitutional and legal status of the President of Ukraine in the conditions of the presidential-parliamentary and parliamentary-presidential republic.


1987 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Elliott ◽  
David McCrone

In Britain, as in many other western countries, there emerged in the mid-1970s a variety of business associations, policy and research institutes and political leagues, committed not only to the restoration of a Conservative government, but also to a much broader refurbishing of conservatism. A network of organizations, individuals and ideas grew up that became identified as the New Right. The New Right, which clearly has an international character, was generated by economic and political crises, but it was nurtured by a variety of resentments and discontents whose roots lay in structural and cultural changes that had developed over the whole post-war period. Drawing, in part, upon interviews with leaders of the organisations that did most to mobilize opinion behind the New Right in Britain, the article examines the major changes – particularly those in class structure and in culture – to which the new conservatives were reacting. It explores the major ideological strands – libertarian, neo-liberal and conservative – and looks at the attempts by the New Right to use these to produce changes not only in economic policy but in the cultural and moral fabric of society.


Author(s):  
Ерванд Грантович Маргарян

В статье прослеживается эволюция костюма лидеров России и Советского государства начиная с Февральской революции до Перестройки, показана связь между образом руководителя государства и эпохой, которую он воплощает. Главным и основным образом вождя, лидера государства победившей революции стал образ «силовика», одетого в стиле милитари и ведущего аскетичный образ жизни. Характерными объектами образа силового лидера стали френч, высокие сапоги (краги), фуражка военного образца, защитного или серого цвета плащ реглан, кожаная куртка, курительная трубка и усы шеврон. После победы в Великой Отечественной войне власть отказалась от упрощенческого образа в пользу патетичного, церимониального. Была реставрирована дореволюционная символическая атрибутика власти. В армии были восстановлены офицерские звания, погоны, лампасы, вновь появились генералы, маршалы, и даже генералиссимус. Для строительства важных госучреждений был разработан специальный архитектурный стиль, неформально называемый советский (сталинский) ампир. Имперская помпезность и тяжеловесность вплоть до ХХ съезда КПСС стала характерной чертой послевоенной эпохи. В эпоху оттепели началась десакрализация власти. Лидер страны Н. С. Хрущев отказался от стиля милитари, стал одеваться исключительно в гражданскую одежду, напоминающую повседневную домашнюю одежду или одежду сельскую, выдержанную в славянском этностиле. Характерной частью его наряда стала душевная украинская вышиванка, имплицитно указывающая на его славянскую ориентацию и приверженность к демократичному стилю правления. Десакрализация власти, демократизация общества, ослабление цензуры, расширенная возможность самовыражения подрывали основы могущества чиновничье-бюрократического аппарата. Это неизбежно должно было привести к противостоянию чиновников и Хрущева, которое закончилось свержением Первого Секретаря ЦК КПСС. Последующая эпоха застоя характеризуется внутренней стабильностью, небывалой коррупцией, низкой производительностью труда, всеобщим дефицитом и зависимостью от экспорта ресурсов. Застойные явления поразили экономику, науку, культуру и общественно-политическую жизнь страны. Характерной чертой этой эпохи стали введенные еще при Сталине, но достигшие небывалого размаха при Брежневе привилегии для партийной номенклатуры и госчиновников, выделявшие их из общей массы населения. В это время окончательно восторжествовал чиновничье-бюрократический дресс-код, с преобладанием черных и темных цветов. Этот стиль остается неизменным и в наши дни. The article shows the evolution of the costume of the leaders of Russia and the Soviet state, from the February Revolution to Perestroika, and the connection between the image of the head of state and the era that it embodies. The image of the leader of the state of the victorious revolution was the image of the “silovik” (power man), dressed in the military style and leading an ascetic lifestyle. Typical objects of the image of a power leader are a french, high boots (leggings), a military-style cap, a khaki or gray raglan cloak, a leather jacket, a smoking pipe, and a chevron mustache. After the victory in the Great Patriotic War, the government abandoned the ascetic image in favor of a pathetic, ceremonial one. In the army, officer ranks, shoulder straps, and stripes were restored, and generals, marshals, and even the Generalissimo reappeared. A special architectural style, informally called the Soviet (Stalinist) Empire, was developed for the construction of important state institutions. Imperial pomp and heaviness, until the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU, became a characteristic feature of the post-war era. In the era of the Thaw, the de-Stalinization and desacralization of power began. The leader of the country, Nikita Khrushchev, abandoned the military style and began to dress exclusively in civilian clothes, reminiscent of everyday home clothes or rural clothes in the Slavic ethnic style. A characteristic part of his outfit was the soulful Ukrainian embroidered shirt, implicitly indicating his Slavic orientation and adherence to a democratic style of government. The desacralization of power, the democratization of society, the weakening of censorship, the broader-than-ever possibility of self-expression undermined the foundations of the power of the bureaucratic apparatus. This inevitably had to lead to a confrontation between officials and Khrushchev, which resulted in the overthrow of the latter. The subsequent era of stagnation is characterized by internal stability, unprecedented corruption, low productivity, general deficit, and dependence on resource exports. Stagnation affected the economy, science, culture, and sociopolitical life of the country. A characteristic feature of this era was the privileges for the party nomenclature and state officials, which distinguished them from the general population. At this time, the official-bureaucratic dress code, with a predominance of black and dark colors, finally prevailed. This style remains unchanged today.


1982 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wojciech Lamentowicz
Keyword(s):  

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