scholarly journals Internationalisation as a Long-Term Strategic Project of the Post-War Renewal of the Yugoslav Archaeology (1950–1971)

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Črtomir Lorber ◽  
Predrag Novaković

Archaeology in the countries which belonged to Yugoslavia (1918–1991) was mosaic of different traditions. The development of archaeology was greatly affected by political changes in the last 150 years; all of them required significant re-contextualisation of the discipline and its practice. The renewal of archaeology after the Second World War, in the context of Socialist Yugoslavia, acted on both levels, in building-up the existing national (republican) archaeological disciplinary frameworks, and in forging ‘new’ common Yugoslav archaeology. Key role in this process played the Archaeological Society of Yugoslavia, established in 1950 as the principal coordinating scholarly organisation in the country. The Society’s immediate task was to create conditions for the cooperation of all archaeologists in the country, including the international promotion of the (new) Yugoslav archaeology. Despite having less than 100 archaeologists in the 1950s, the Society designed very ambitious program of ‘internationalisation’ (e.g. exchange of publications, participation at the international conferences, grants, invitation to foreign scholars, special publications published exclusively in foreign languages etc.) which proved highly successful in a very short time. The peak of these endeavours was participation at the 1st International Congress of Slavic Archaeology in Warsaw (1965) and organisation of the 8th Congress of the UISPP in Belgrade (1971); the event which could not be organised without intensive promotion and networking of the Yugoslav archaeologists in the international academic arena in the 1950s and 1960s.

2018 ◽  
pp. 162-182
Author(s):  
Samantha Caslin

This chapter focuses on the LVA’s efforts to engage with Irish women in Liverpool during the Second World War and post-war years. Despite a reduction in Irish immigration during the war, which saw the LVA’s staff reduced, the organisation was quick to raise concerns about the moral wellbeing of Irish young women once peace was resumed. As such, the LVA continued, throughout the 1950s and into the 1960s, to provoke concerns about the supposed moral vulnerability of Irish young women in Liverpool in a bid to generate support for their patrols.


1996 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Axel Schildt

Little more than a decade after having lost the Second World War, the society of the western part of Germany, the Federal Republic, had changed fundamentally in the eye of the observer. The economic expert Henry C. Wallich was not the only one to speak of the ‘German miracle’. Not only had the previously achieved industrial standards long been regained and surpassed, but also a boom had set in – as in all of Western Europe – which came to an end only in the 1970s. Simultaneously, both economy and society had been modernised in the process of reconstruction. The transition to a new stage of modernity, ‘society in affluence’, was discussed animatedly. The emergence of new leisure lifestyles in particular was considered a mark of present times. However, in current reviews it is often forgotten that the West German society of the 1950s was to a far greater extent determined by continuity with the interwar period and by the consequences of the war and post-war years than a first glance at the spectacular novelties suggests.


Author(s):  
Guy Woodward

Though it had not suffered the devastation inflicted on much of the rest of Europe, the emerging southern Irish state faced huge challenges over the decades following the end of the Second World War. Economic growth was poor; a largely agricultural economy had been crippled during the war by tariffs imposed by its most important market and former colonial ruler Britain. The population of the Republic of Ireland declined during the 1950s due to emigration but recovered during the 1960s and 1970s. Fianna Fáil dominated the Irish political scene following independence and governed for twenty-five of the thirty-five years from 1945 to 1980. Leader of the party since its formation in 1926, Éamon de Valera had led the state through the Second World War and remained as Taoiseach until 1948, returning from 1951 to 1954 and again from 1957 to 1959, before serving two terms as president from 1959 to 1973. John A. Costello’s Fine Gael government declared Ireland a republic in 1948 and took the state out of the British Commonwealth the following year. The British government’s Ireland Act of 1949 reacted to the legal implications of these developments but was most notable for its guarantee that Northern Ireland would remain within the United Kingdom unless the Stormont Parliament decided otherwise. The southern state joined the United Nations in 1955 and the European Economic Community in 1973, concluding a process instigated by de Valera’s successor as Taoiseach, the economic reformer Seán Lemass, who took steps to remove protectionist barriers and open up Ireland to foreign direct investment. This remained a socially conservative period, however, during which the influence of the Catholic Church was strong. Irish–British relations were often tense. Northern Ireland’s devolved Parliament in Stormont, dominated by a Unionist party, was largely hostile to any kind of engagement with the southern state. Following the flaring of sectarian violence in the late 1960s and early 1970s and the beginning of the thirty-year-long conflict popularly known as “The Troubles,” Westminster deployed the army in 1969 and imposed direct rule in 1973. The province had benefited from some social reforms introduced by the British Labour government of 1945, however, especially the Education (Northern Ireland) Act of 1947, which introduced compulsory secondary education until the age of fifteen, enabling new postwar generations of underprivileged, often Catholic young people to continue to university; beneficiaries included Seamus Heaney and Seamus Deane. The conservative social climate in the southern state proved uncongenial to radical creative expression, and most of the preeminent figures in postwar Irish writing saw their work banned at this time. Many significant foreign works of literature were also banned, restricting the flow of cultural material into Ireland. Several Irish writers migrated to England in the 1950s and 1960s, including William Trevor, John McGahern, and Edna O’Brien. However, in the postwar period, arts and literature began to receive sustained government support both north and south of the border: the Arts Council of Ireland (An Chomhairle Ealaíon) was founded in 1951, and the Arts Council of Northern Ireland grew out of the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts in Northern Ireland, which had been established in 1943 to encourage public interest in the arts. This article does not cover drama, which is addressed in the separate Oxford Bibliographies entry Post-War Irish Drama.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2021) (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mateja Čoh Kladnik

Courts of national honour were established in some European countries after the end of the Second World War. These were special courts which assisted in the process of "cleansing" or the process of post-war retribution against collaborators of the occupiers. Such courts were known in the Netherlands, France, Bulgaria, Romania, Czechoslovakia and all Yugoslav nations. The author presents the criminal procedures for acts against national honour in Czechoslovakia, Croatia, Slovenia and Serbia, where the sentences caused long-term consequences. The courts of national honour assumed the role of revolutionary courts and through their operation contributed to the final seizure and consolidation of the Communist Party's power. They participated in the process of changing the socio-economic structure of the state. Trials before the courts were rapid and short. The charges were often a consequence of revenge or the personal interests of complainants. Trials before the courts of national honour violated one of the fundamental legal principles – nullum crimen sine lege: acts (the collaboration with the occupier) tried by the courts of national honour were not considered crimes at the time that they were committed.


2000 ◽  
pp. 297-338
Author(s):  
Peter N. Davies

This chapter explores the underlying and long-term effects of the Second World War on the future of Elder Dempster and its relationship with West Africa. It focuses on the political and economic independence of West African colonies, and the resulting major changes in the structure and organisation of its trading areas, including the formation of independently owned shipping lines. The chapter describes the greater momentum of the establishment and extension of new ports at the end of the war, and reports the corresponding dramatic increase in West African trade. It concludes with an analysis of the decline in Elder Dempster’s share of West African trade, and provides a calculation of its profitability and success in the post-war era.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
John Marsland

During the twenty years after the Second World War, housing began to be seen as a basic right among many in the west, and the British welfare state included many policies and provisions to provide decent shelter for its citizens. This article focuses on the period circa 1968–85, because this was a time in England when the lack of affordable, secure-tenured housing reached a crisis level at the same time that central and local governmental housing policies received wider scrutiny for their ineffectiveness. My argument is that despite post-war laws and rhetoric, many Britons lived through a housing disaster and for many the most rational way they could solve their housing needs was to exploit loopholes in the law (as well as to break them out right). While the main focus of the article is on young British squatters, there is scope for transnational comparison. Squatters in other parts of the world looked to their example to address the housing needs in their own countries, especially as privatization of public services spread globally in the 1980s and 1990s. Dutch, Spanish, German and American squatters were involved in a symbiotic exchange of ideas and sometimes people with the British squatters and each other, and practices and rhetoric from one place were quickly adopted or rejected based on the success or failure in each place.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-374
Author(s):  
John D. Ayres

This article considers the working practices of British cinema's only major female film producer during the early-to-mid post-Second World War era, Betty E. Box (1915–99). Via reference to her extensive archive at the British Film Institute and the films Campbell's Kingdom (1957), The Wind Cannot Read (1958) and Hot Enough for June (1964), the article charts how Box initially envisaged multi-generational casting for roles that were eventually taken by long-term collaborator Dirk Bogarde. It considers the manner in which she approached the diplomatic complexities of location shooting, with particular focus on Ralph Thomas's military romance The Wind Cannot Read, the first British film to be shot in India for twenty years at the time of its production. The reasoning for Box's ongoing absence, as a female creative figure, from scholarship addressing British cinema, and film production more generally, will also be addressed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.


Author(s):  
Igor Lyubchyk

The research issue peculiarities of wide Russian propaganda among the most Western ethnographic group – Lemkies is revealed in the article. The character and orientation of Russian and Soviet agitation through the social, religious and social movements aimed at supporting Russian identity in the region are traced. Tragic pages during the First World War were Thalrogian prisons for Lemkas, which actually swept Lemkivshchyna through Muscovophilian influences. Agitation for Russian Orthodoxy has provoked frequent cases of sharp conflicts between Lemkas. In general, attempts by moskvophile agitators to impose russian identity on the Orthodox rite were failed. Taking advantage of the complex socio-economic situation of Lemkos, Russian campaigners began to promote moving to the USSR. Another stage of Russian propaganda among Lemkos began with the onset of the Second World War. Throughout the territory of the Galician Lemkivshchyna, Soviet propaganda for resettlement to the USSR began rather quickly. During the dramatic events of the Second World War and the post-war period, despite the outbreaks of the liberation movement, among the Lemkoswere manifestations of political sympathies oriented toward the USSR. Keywords: borderlands, Lemkivshchyna, Lemky, Lemkivsky schism, Moskvophile, Orthodoxy, agitation, ethnopolitics


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