Ryukyu in the East Asian Trade Sphere

Author(s):  
Mamoru Akamine

In the 1400s, the East Asia trade sphere stretched to Southeast Asia, with Ryukyu, a key player, relaying luxury goods from there to Japan. Japanese merchants and Buddhist monks began to move into Ryukyu in the mid-fifteenth century. The early 1400s saw the Ryukyu Kingdom unified under the first Shō Dynasty. Ryukyu was recognized as second to Korea among China’s tributary states. Overseas Chinese in Naha became important in the trade system. In the late 1400s, China restricted Ryukyu’s tribute trade to one mission every two years. Japan started to deal directly with China, undercutting Ryukyu. Japan empowered the Satsuma domain to monitor Ryukyu trade activities. In 1470, the second Shō dynasty took power. The Portuguese began to dominate Southeast Asia trade; the wakō pirates grew more successful. By the late 1500s, Satsuma was aggressively controlling Ryukyuan shipping activities, which alarmed China. Ryukyu began to decline.

2019 ◽  

Combining strikingly new scholarship by art historians, historians, and ethnomusicologists, this interdisciplinary volume illuminates trade ties within East Asia, and from East Asia outwards, in the years 1550 to 1800. While not encyclopedic, the selected topics greatly advance our sense of this trade picture. Throughout the book, multi-part trade structures are excavated; the presence of European powers within the Asian trade nexus features as part of this narrative. Visual goods are highlighted, including lacquerwares, paintings, prints, musical instruments, textiles, ivory sculptures, unfired ceramic portrait figurines, and Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and Southeast Asian ceramic vessels. These essays underscore the significance of Asian industries producing multiples, and the rhetorical charge of these goods, shifting in meaning as they move. Everyday commodities are treated as well; for example, the trans-Pacific trade in contraband mercury, used in silver refinement, is spelled out in detail. Building reverberations between merchant networks, trade goods, and the look of the objects themselves, this richly-illustrated book brings to light the Asian trade engine powering the early modern visual cultures of East and Southeast Asia, the American colonies, and Europe.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Man-houng Lin (林滿紅)

This article deals with Taiwanese civilian emigration and overseas investment in the period of 1940–1945 when Japan engaged the Greater East Asian War. Taiwan in general, and some Taiwanese in particular, helped the reconstruction of Japanese occupied areas in this war. Overseas Taiwanese mainly worked as employees for Japanese stores, companies, mines, plantations, and Japanese government offices, but also opened stores, factories, plantations and banks by themselves. As overseas ethnic Chinese, the Taiwanese civilian emigrants examined in this paper moved in the direction opposite that of other overseas Chinese holding Chinese nationality. The Taiwanese populace expanded overseas to Greater East Asia, while Chinese nationals withdrew from this area and returned to China. Thus, this paper will illustrate how the phrase, “people should fight for their country,” bore different meanings for these two different types of overseas Chinese in the Asia-Pacific War theater of wwii. 1930至40年代,中日學者曾就華僑的定義進行討論。吳主惠將華僑定義為定居於海外的中國人及其後裔,不包括駐外政府官員和留學生。吳氏認為華僑的最嚴格定義,是指定居海外但仍保有中國國籍者。1933年日本大藏省為替局統計臺灣地區約有46,000至47,000名華僑,便是依據這樣的定義。吳氏指出,在此嚴格定義下,華人後裔如不具中國國籍者,便非華僑。另有一種較為寬鬆的定義是: 無論是否具中國國籍,凡定居或曾赴海外的中國人及其後裔皆為華僑,井出季和太即持此見。關於日本統治臺灣時期的臺灣人國籍,根據日本大藏省為替局的解釋,由於馬關條約簽訂後的二年內,臺灣人得自由決定離去與否,留下臺灣者為日本國民。這些成為日本國民的臺灣人或其祖先曾具有中國國民的身分,因而1933年的340萬臺灣人也被視為較寬定義下的華僑。在日本建構所謂的「大東亞共榮圈」時期 (1940–1945),許多不具軍人身分的臺灣人向海外移民或投資,與之相反的是,擁有中國國籍的華僑在此時期則多回歸故里。在大東亞戰爭時期的華人,由於出身不同,「為國而戰」一詞對於他們的意義也因而分歧。 (This article is in English.)


2000 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 1-41
Author(s):  
Christopher E. Goscha

This paper adopts a regional and geographical approach to show how the early spread of communism to mainland South-east Asia owes much to overseas Chinese and overland Vietnamese patterns of immigration. This wider approach seeks to get beyond the frontiers of nationalist histories and the formation of the 'modern' nation-state (whether colonial or national) in order to think in more material terms about how communism and not entirely unlike Catholicism or any other religion first entered mainland Southeast Asia on the ground, by which channels, by which groups of people and at which times. The idea is to begin mapping out the introduction and spread of communism in peninsular Southeast Asia in both time and space. This, in turn, provides us with a methodologically and historically sounder basis for thinking about the 'why' of this Sino-Vietnamese revolutionary graft and the failure of this brand of conmmunism to take hold in certain places and among certain peoples outside of China and Vietnam.


Zootaxa ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 2640 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
HSI-TE SHIH ◽  
PETER K. L. NG ◽  
SHOU-HUA FANG ◽  
BENNY K. K. CHAN ◽  
KINGSLEY J. H. WONG

The fiddler crab fauna (Brachyura: Ocypodidae: Uca) of China is reviewed. Thirteen species are recognised here, viz. Uca acuta (Stimpson, 1858), U. annulipes (H. Milne Edwards, 1837), U. arcuata (De Haan, 1835), U. borealis Crane, 1975, U. coarctata (H. Milne Edwards, 1852), U. crassipes (Adams & White, 1848), U. dussumieri (H. Milne Edwards, 1852), U. lactea (De Haan, 1835), U. paradussumieri Bott, 1973, U. tetragonon (Herbst, 1790), U. triangularis (A. Milne-Edwards, 1873), U. typhoni Crane, 1975, and U. vocans (Linnaeus, 1758). Two females of U. typhoni collected from southern Hainan Island represent the first record of this species from China and East Asia. Two males of U. tetragonon collected from southern Hainan also represent a new record for China. The Uca fauna of southern Hainan is biogeographically distinct being different from those of northern Hainan and continental China, with U. annulipes, U. tetragonon, U. typhoni, and U. vocans common in Southeast Asia. In addition, continental China also lacks some insular species such as U. coarctata, U. formosensis Rathbun, 1921, U. jocelynae Shih, Naruse & Ng, 2010, U. perplexa (H. Milne Edwards, 1837), and U. tetragonon which are common in the East Asian islands of Taiwan and the Ryukyus.


Buddhism ◽  
2021 ◽  

In the modern day, the connection between Buddhism and statecraft is readily seen in the Theravada monarchies of Southeast Asia; however, in premodern times, Buddhist kings and Buddhist methods of statecraft were commonplace across South, Central, and East Asia as well. This link between Buddhism and political leadership is rooted in two powerful legends that came out of the early tradition and which have been invoked across all of Asia. The first is that of the birth and life story of the historical Buddha, Śākyamuni, who was himself a prince of a small kingdom and destined to be either a “Wheel-Turning King” (cakravartin) and universal monarch or an “Enlightened One” (buddha). Though his father preferred that he extend his birthright by becoming a universal monarch, he went on to renounce palace life, go in search of awakening, and become a buddha. Nonetheless, the mythic connection between the Buddha (otherworldly power) and the Wheel-Turning King (worldly power) remains an essential aspect of a buddha’s identity. The second legend is that of Mauryan Emperor Aśoka (r. 262–238 bce); uniting the Indian subcontinent through violent means, Aśoka is believed by the tradition to have converted to Buddhism and then become the religion’s most generous and powerful benefactor who ruled according to Buddhist law, or dharma. Across the entirety of Asia, connections between Buddhism and statecraft have taken on regionally specific forms. There is a long history of rulers in South and Southeast Asia who have sponsored Theravada Buddhism as the state religion and have sanctified their rules and their reigns through close relations with the monastic community. In the Tibetan context of the practice of Vajrayāna Buddhism, rulers themselves became identified as bodhisattvas in a system reminiscent of the divine right of kings in Europe. In East Asia, there was a Chinese-style bureaucratic governance that looked to the Buddha as an otherworldly figurehead while translating long-standing Chinese imperial systems into something that we might call “Confucian with a Buddhist inflection.” As Chinese modalities of statecraft were adopted and adapted by other polities in the East Asian cultural sphere—notably, Korea and Japan, but also Vietnam—this Chinese form of imperial Buddhism became a mainstay of East Asian life throughout the entire premodern period. Therefore, we can see various different manifestations of Buddhist statecraft in theory and practice across Asia and throughout history up until the present.


Author(s):  
S. S. Teslenko

The article considers models of political transformation in East Asian countries. The analysis of political practices of transformation of the countries of East and South-East Asia is carried out in the study. The research contains the factors that influenced the successful implementation of modernization projects in the states of the region. The specific features of the political transformations of the states of the region associated with the formation of non-Western democracies on the basis of “development authoritarianisms” are revealed. Carrying out large-scale transformations is connected with the need to establish sovereignty in the postcolonial period and ensure national security in the current geopolitical conditions. The success of the East Asian model of transformation is also associated with the preservation of elements of traditional regulation, a unique synthesis of traditions and innovations based on a special, synthetic way, non-Western and nonmobilization type. Governments and national leaders play a special role in the political practices of non-Western modernization, ensuring the planning of modernization strategies. A separate role in the transformation belongs to the competent bureaucracy with a minimum degree of corruption. And the transformations were carried out by authoritarian methods. Non-Western modernization is of interest both from a theoretical and empirical point of view, especially given the effect of the non-Western approach to transformation, embodied in the so-called Asian economic miracle and contributing to national consolidation in Southeast and East Asia. For developing countries, it is important to choose the ways of their socio-political and economic development, especially in the context of globalization. The study of the experience of the countries of Southeast and East Asia allows us to identify the main directions of their development that have transformed societies, and to determine an acceptable development strategy for the state. Back in the 1990s, concepts were put forward according to which the 21st century would be the era of domination of the Asia-Pacific civilization, which replaces the Euro-Atlantic one. The modernization of the countries of Southeast Asia is becoming a factor in reformatting the established world order, creating a new balance of power in the international arena and new centres of influence in political and economic relations.


Author(s):  
Megan Bryson

Since its birth in India about 2,500 years ago, Buddhism has spread throughout the globe. As Buddhism reached new areas, its followers developed their own regional identities and understandings of Buddhist geography. South Asia, and specifically the sites associated with the historical Buddha’s life, remained a conceptual center for many Buddhists, but the near disappearance of Buddhism from the subcontinent in the 13th century allowed Buddhists in other regions to overcome their “borderland complexes” and identify sacred Buddhist sites in their own lands. This involved both the metaphorical transfer of sacred sites from South Asia to new places and the creation of new sacred sites, such as reliquaries for the remains of local saints and mountains seen as the abodes of buddhas or bodhisattvas. By the 19th and 20th centuries, colonial encounters introduced Buddhism to the West and created categories of national Buddhisms, which led to new visions of Buddhist geography and regionalism. In addition to national Buddhisms, regional distinctions commonly applied to the Buddhist world include the mapping of Theravāda in Southeast Asia, Mahāyāna in East Asia, and Vajrayāna in the Himalayas, or the mapping of Northern Buddhism as Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna in East Asia and the Himalayas, and Southern Buddhism as Theravāda in Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka. These models have some salience, but the history of Buddhist geography and regionalism reveals that the locations and interactions of different Buddhist traditions are more complex. New models for Buddhist regionalism have moved away from static, bounded spaces to foreground processes of interaction, such as network analyses of trade and transmission routes or areas such as “Maritime Asia” or the “East Asian Mediterranean.”


Author(s):  
Mamoru Akamine

This chapter looks at the Gusuku period (roughly the fifteenth century), when Ryukyu was divided into two cultural spheres – northern and southern. This period saw the rise of local fiefs, and increased trade between them and others in East Asia (Japan, China, Korea, etc.). The chapter describes how Song China developed an East Asian Trade sphere that encompassed all the surrounding countries, including the various fiefdoms in the Ryukyu Islands. The Ryukyus specialized in sulphur and mother-of-pearl, both in high demand in the region. As Japan ceased trading directly with China, Ryukyu became an important go-between.


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