Ethno-Political Processes in Post-Soviet Russia: On the Way of a New Identity 'I'm Rossiyanin' (On the Example of Bashkortostan Republic)

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venera Zakirova
Author(s):  
Aleksei Aleksandrovich Yakuta ◽  
Aleksandr Sergeevich Iliushin ◽  
Ekaterina Valerevna Yakuta

The article is aimed at the retrospective pedagogic analysis of introductory lectures to the course of Mechanics given in 1934, 1937 and 1945 at the department of Physics in MSU by an outstanding educator professor Semen E. Khaykin. It is the frst attempt to carry out academic research of the author’s introductory lectures to the course of Mechanics by professor Khaykin from the Science Museum at the Department of Physics in MSU. The article provides an overview of the contents of each leсture, examines their major peculiarities and reveals specifc educational objectives professor Khaykin addressed in his course. The author of the article analyses the physical phenomena introduced in the lectures and studies the way material arrangement changed with the time. The author compares the series of introductory lectures to reveal the differences and makes an attempt to explain them by the social and political processes that took place in the country in the 30-s and the 40-s of the XXth century and affected the life and academic career of S. E. Khaykin.


Author(s):  
Dario Castiglione ◽  
Mark E. Warren

This chapter offers here a sketch of eight theoretical issues that are fundamental to rethinking the problems and potentials of political representation under emerging conditions. The issues include: (1) the relational character of representation; (2) the role that trusteeship plays in forms of democratic representation; (3) an assessment of representation in terms of both input and output; (4) representation considered as a political practice; (5) the way in which representation is constituted by and within political processes; (6) the objects of representation: who and what are represented; (7) the question of who is a democratic representative; and (8) the relationship between authorization and accountability in informal representation. In each of these dimensions the theory of representation in democracies needs refurbishing, a task that requires returning to the concept of representation in a more systematic way, also taking on board theoretical intuitions from deliberative, participatory and radical populist conceptions of democracy. The postscript takes stock of some of these developments and suggests that rethinking political representation is part of the pressing task to reconsider democracy in the 21st century.


Author(s):  
Allen W. Wood

‘Alienation’ is a prominent term in twentieth-century social theory and social criticism, referring to any of various social or psychological evils which are characterized by a harmful separation, disruption or fragmentation which sunders things that properly belong together. People are alienated from one another when there is an interruption in their mutual affection or reciprocal understanding; they are alienated from political processes when they feel separated from them and powerless in relation to them. Reflection on your beliefs or values can also alienate you from them by undermining your attachment to them or your identification with them; they remain your beliefs or values faute de mieux, but are no longer yours in the way they should be. Alienation translates two distinct German terms: Entfremdung (‘estrangement’) and Entäußerung (‘externalization’). Both terms originated in the philosophy of Hegel, specifically in his Phenomenology of Spirit (1807). Their influence, however, has come chiefly from their use by Karl Marx in his manuscripts of 1844 (first published in 1930). Marx’s fundamental concern was with the alienation of wage labourers from their product, the grounds of which he sought in the alienated form of their labouring activity. In both Hegel and Marx, alienation refers fundamentally to a kind of activity in which the essence of the agent is posited as something external or alien, assuming the form of hostile domination over the agent.


2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 154-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan H. Pranger

AbstractThis article discusses the concept "inculturation" from both a critical and constructive perspective. It is concerned with the ideas about "culture" and cultural or ethnic identity that underlie the discourse and practice of inculturation. While inculturation is an important hermeneutical and theological principle it is necessary to be critical of the way in which theologians sometimes employ these notions, in particular in situations of ethnic conflict. The article juxtaposes essentialist and static assumptions about ethnic identity and culture underlying projects of inculturation in Sri Lanka with theoretical, postcolonial perspectives on such identities as "negotiated" or "constructed" in an ongoing cultural process. It considers the possible implications of such a perspective for the practices of inculturation in Sri Lanka, as well as the consequences for the theoretical understanding of the concept inculturation itself. The article criticizes the understanding of cultural or ethnic identity as the foundation of theological inculturation, and raises the question what does constitute such a basis. It argues, first, for an emphasis on the theological basis of inculturation in God's incarnation and saving presence in human cultures. Second, difference of culture rather than cultural identity should constitute the basis for the local construction of theology. Third, it argues that claims for theological difference are always voiced within, and therefore already presuppose, ecumenical or catholic relationships and structures of communication. The article concludes by arguing, on the basis of a "globalized" and postcolonial concept of culture, for an understanding of inculturation that includes other than cultural or ethnic identities as part of its concern with culture, as well as socioeconomic and political processes. It is hoped that a revision of the concept of inculturation along these lines may be more helpful in situations of ethnic conflict, and may also help to bring a convergence between the understanding of inculturation and contextualization.


Slavic Review ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muireann Maguire

In this article, Muireann Maguire examines the cultural construction of the trope of the engineer-inventor in Russia during the 1920s and 1930s, focusing on the changing representation of this archetype in three science fiction novels by Aleksei Tolstoi: Aelita (1922-23), Soiuzpiati (The Gang of Five, 1925), and Giperboloid inzhenera Garina (Engineer Garin's Death Ray, 1925-26). Tolstoi's fiction portrays engineers as misguided and self-centred at best and as amoral, megalomaniacal, and irredeemably un-Soviet at worst. This increasingly negative portrayal of the engineers in these novels, and in their later redactions and cinema versions, helped to prepare the way for the alienation of engineer and technical specialist within Soviet society, providing cultural justification for Iosif Stalin's show trials and purges of both categories in the 1930s. Tolstoi's alienation of the engineer-inventor, the traditional hero of early Soviet nauchnaia fantastika (science fiction), prefigured the occlusion of science fiction as a mainstream literary genre. As a trained engineer, former aristocrat, and returned émigré whose own status in Soviet Russia was deeply compromised, Tolstoi's literary demonization of engineers effectively purchased his own acceptance within the Stalinist literary hierarchy.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelson Tebbe

91 Notre Dame Law Review 363 (2015)Today, prominent academics are questioning the very possibility of a theory of free exercise or non-establishment. They argue that judgments in the area can only be conclusory or irrational. In contrast to such skeptics, this Essay argues that decisionmaking on questions of religious freedom can be morally justified. Two arguments constitute the Essay. Part I begins by acknowledging that skepticism has power. The skeptics rightly identify some inevitable indeterminacy, but they mistakenly argue that it necessarily signals decisionmaking that is irrational or unjustified. Their critique is especially striking because the skeptics’ prudential way of working on concrete problems actually shares much with the methods of others. Part II then argues that the best defense of religious freedom jurisprudence begins with an approach known as coherentism. In political philosophy, coherentism refers to the way legal actors compare new problems to existing principles and paradigms in order to identify solutions that are justified. The Essay then extracts and emphasizes the social aspects of this basic account. It contends that arguments about the meaning of the Constitution appropriately reflect social and political dynamics. The resulting approach, social coherentism, describes a powerful method for generating interpretations of the First Amendment that are justified, not conclusory. This matters at a moment when some defenders of religious traditionalism are suggesting that principled decisionmaking on questions of religious freedom is impossible, and therefore that such issues should be largely surrendered to political processes.


Author(s):  
A. Lyisyuk

In the article, with references to various researches and politicians, is indicated, on the one hand, contradictory attitude to Lenin's personality and practice, presented in scientific and political-ideological discourse, on the other – enormous role of the communist leader with regard to the transformation of political image of the world of XX century. In addition, the concept of Leninism still keeps its influence on political processes in the post-Soviet space.In the text, using Berdyaev’s analytical argument presented in his different works, is studied set of Lenin’s personal and political skills and features which enabled him to get political victory: a) energetically strong motive of power inherent to him and fanatism; b) usage of any means to achieve revolution goals; c) reproduction of traditional for Russia model of government; d) transformation of communist doctrine into a kind of religious (totalitarian) study; e) vast usage of coercion and violence while neglecting value and freedoms of individual; f) reflection in politics historical and cultural standards which dominated in the country, what stipulated Lenin’s image compliance with the parameters of a “typically Russian man”; g) creative attitude towards Marxism ideology, which made it possible to formulate doctrine on the possibility of a socialist revolution in one country; h) institutional basis development of party building in Russia; i) creative combination of revolutionary (destroyer) and statesman features; j) political despotism and others. Berdyaev indicates on unresolved tasks of socialist construction in Soviet Russia, as after the revolution a new privileged elite appeared in the country, far from the interests of the people, and the phenomenon of social exclusion was not overcome. Defined political technologies developed by Lenin, which can be used in modern politics


Ethnicities ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 752-768
Author(s):  
Kristina Kovalskaya

This paper discusses the question of knowledge construction on Islam in contemporary Russia through the lens of the category of space. Many everyday categories used by Muslims to characterize their identity are linked to spatial references. Starting from the idea of locality and ending in the search of traditional forms of Islam, these categories are highly politicized in the contemporary context. The aim of this paper is to explore the intermediary space between the political and the religious fields, the space of circulation between these fields in which experts on Islam are situated. Indeed, numerous academic specialists engage in expertise on Islam by creating or recycling categories, which circulate between the secular and the religious spaces. These experts have different backgrounds, different profiles and different strategies. Their impact on religious and political processes varies too. In addition, the experts of Islam have different characteristics according to the space they act in. We will compare these experts’ discourses in various regions (Moscow, Tatarstan and Dagestan) to analyse their strategies and the way in which they relate to their environment. Besides blurring the border between the secular and the religious by ensuring a permanent circulation of categories, the experts on Islam activate political and religious notions in a different manner according to their spatial affiliation. This concerns the reference to the local or international Muslim space as well as their normative discourse on acceptable forms of Islam.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip R Conway

From climatic chaos to mass extinction, from ‘geoengineering’ to unprecedented urbanisation, world politics has, in recent decades, become inescapably planetary. Recent discussions concerning ‘Planet Politics’ are, therefore, timely. However, the debate, to date, has been limited by a number of conceptual and political problems. In particular, an apparent disinclination to address serious differences as regards the authority of natural scientific knowledge with respect to collective ontologies raises the question of what is truly political in planetary politics. Drawing on Gayatri Spivak’s concept of ‘planetarity’ and Isabelle Stengers’ ‘cosmopolitics’, this intervention consists of a diagnosis, a method and an alternative. The diagnosis is that this debate has yet to constitute a workable starting point for the very thought processes, and political processes, that those involved demand. The method is simultaneously ‘forensic’ and ‘diplomatic’ – that is, it focuses on bringing undisclosed and semi-disclosed conflicts into the open while, furthermore, ‘thinking through the middle’ of established polemical positions, enabling new possibilities. The alternative, then, proposes to distinguish a cosmo politan agenda of global connectedness from a cosmo political process of situated coordination. Finally, it is argued that adding ‘planetary’ to our politics aptly, if counterintuitively, encapsulates the condition of ‘political multiplicity’. However, rather than lending weight to disciplinary consolidation, this encapsulation should serve to forge connections with problems of multiplicity of all sorts. That is, the purpose of planetary politics, as conceived herein, would be that of inventing speculative practices that maintain the possibility of unlikely alliances between disparate powers, and not only those of the nation state.


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