Regional Blackness: Regional Differences in African American Views on Racial Progress and Government Assistance

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Lynn Stewart
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher C. Towler ◽  
Christopher S. Parker

AbstractHistory suggests that social movements for change are often met with powerful counter-movements. Relying upon movement counter-movement dynamics, this paper examines whether or not contemporary reactionary conservatism—in this case Donald Trump's candidacy in 2016, offers an opportunity for African-American mobilization. Today, the reactionary right presents a threat to racial progress and the black community as it has grown from direct opposition to the election of President Obama, immigration reform, and gay and lesbian rights. With conditions ripe for a movement in response to the right, we examine the mobilizing effect on African-Americans of the threatening political context symbolized by Donald Trump. If African-Americans are to retain political relevance beyond the Obama era, then black turnout will need to reach rates similar to the historic 2008 election. Using the 2016 Black Voter Project (BVP) Pilot Study, we explore African-American political engagement in the 2016 election, a time void of President Obama as a mobilizing figure. We find that African-Americans who hold strong negative opinions of Trump in 2016 voted at rates similar to the historical turnout of 2008, offering a possible strategy to mobilize blacks beyond Obama's presidency. Moreover, the threat that Trump represents significantly drives blacks to engage in politics beyond voting even after accounting for alternative explanations. In the end, Trump and the reactionary movement behind him offers a powerful mobilizing force for an African-American population that can no longer look toward the top of the Presidential ticket for inspiration.


2008 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul W. Harris

AbstractThe Congress on Africa was held in Atlanta, Georgia, in December 1895 as part of a campaign to promote African American involvement in Methodist missions to Africa. Held in conjunction with the same exposition where Booker T. Washington delivered his famous Atlanta Compromise address, the Congress in some ways shared his accommodationist approach to racial advancement. Yet the diverse and distinguished array of African American speakers at the Congress also developed a complex rationale for connecting the peoples of the African diaspora through missions. At the same time that they affirmed the need for “civilizing” influences as an indispensable element for racial progress, they also envisioned a reinvigorated racial identity and a shared racial destiny emerging through the interactions of black missionaries and Africans. In particular, the most thoughtful participants in the Congress anticipated the forging of a black civilization that combined the unique gifts of their race with the progressive dynamics of Christian culture. These ideas parallel and likely influenced W. E. B. Du Bois's concept of double-consciousness. At a time when the missionary movement provided the most important source of awareness about Africa among African Americans, it is possible to discern in the proceedings of the Congress on Africa the glimmerings of a new pan-African consciousness that was destined to have a profound effect on African American intellectual life in the twentieth century.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 312-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monnica T. Williams ◽  
Gerardo Duque ◽  
Chad T. Wetterneck ◽  
L. Kevin Chapman ◽  
Ryan C. T. DeLapp

2015 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheryl Elman ◽  
Andrew S. London ◽  
Robert A. McGuire

Between 1880 and 1910, fertility among African-American women dropped more precipitously than among white women, although black women’s sociodemographic profile generally would not have predicted that trend. According to one perspective, regional differences in the timing of voluntary fertility control accounted for discrepancies by race. According to another, poor southern maternal health disproportionately affected African-American women’s fecundity, reducing their fertility. Tests based on the 1910 ipums and the 1916 U.S. Plantation Census show that, during the first three years of marriage, African-American women’s probabilities of having at least one birth, compared to white women’s probabilities, declined as marital durations increased. However, the probability of having at least one birth was lower for African-American and white tenant-farm women whose counties had more plantation agriculture. Findings support the influence of health-related factors, possibly linked to plantation agricultural development, on the “supply” of children.


2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Desmond King

Why, many Americans rightly ask, can material racial inequality and widespread segregation still persist 50 years after the enactment of key civil rights legislation and eight years after the election of an African American to the nation’s highest office? Many from outside the US pose similar questions about modern America. The explanation, I argue, lies with inconsistent and fluctuating levels of federal engagement to building material racial equality. National engagement fluctuates because it is energetically resisted and challenged by opponents of racial progress. This vulnerability to disruption is exposed by varying strategies of resistance, some fiscal, some violent, some judicial, some desultory and some combining violent protest against change with local electoral triumphs for anti-reformers. Public resistance to employing national resources to reduce inequality encouraged a de-racialization strategy amongst many African American candidates for elected office who opt to de-emphasize issues of racial inequality in campaigns and in office. Whatever the means, the effect is uniform: the slowing down or outright death of federal civil rights activism.


2007 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne H. Charity

AbstractComprehensive investigations of African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) have demonstrated that most features of AAVE reported in the sociolinguistic literature are consistently seen in nearly every African-American speech community in which vernacular speech has been documented. This article highlights quantitative regional differences in the speech produced by African-American children from three U.S. cities in an academic setting. In this analysis, 157 5- to 8-year-old African-American children in New Orleans, LA, Washington, DC, and Cleveland, OH imitated the sentences of a story presented in Standard American English (SAE) by teachers. The 15 sentences included many items that were possible mismatches between the child's vernacular and SAE. Afterwards, the children retold the story in their own words. Children's use of SAE and AAVE features in both tasks was analyzed. Higher rates of AAVE feature use occurred in New Orleans than in Cleveland or Washington, DC.


Author(s):  
Damion L. Thomas

This chapter investigates the shifting political landscape after the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act as African American athletes increasingly began to use sport to challenge continued oppression rather than celebrate racial progress. It argues that the protest gestures of Tommie Smith and John Carlos in Mexico City were a direct response to the State Department's use of African American athletes as propaganda tools. Furthermore, the chapter shows that these athletes saw themselves as picking up Malcolm X's mantle and mission. Perhaps most significant, this chapter analyzes the minimalist response from the U.S. government to the protest gestures of Smith and Carlos to demonstrate how and why international pressure ceased to be a dominant impetus for racial reform in the United States by 1968.


2016 ◽  
Vol 85 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcia Chatelain

“The Miracle of the Golden Arches: Race and Fast Food in Los Angeles” examines the Los Angeles chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and its advocacy on behalf of the city’s black McDonald’s franchisees. The franchisees believed that McDonald’s limited their ability to franchise restaurants outside of predominately black neighborhoods. Analyzing the rhetoric surrounding these disputes, the article argues that despite their economic prosperity as a group, African American McDonald’s franchisees often found themselves in an uneasy position as models of racial progress and victims of racial discrimination. The article covers the period between two urban uprisings—the aftermath of Martin Luther King’s assassination in 1968 and the days after police officers were acquitted of beating Rodney King in 1992—to expose the relationship between McDonald’s and black consumers in moments of economic, social, and racial crisis.


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