The UK can do better than the EU’s Customs Union

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Jessop
Keyword(s):  
The Uk ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Barwise

This chapter explores the assumption that public service television (PST), i.e. BBC TV, commercial public service broadcasters (PSBs), and non-PSBs, offers less consumer value for money than the rest of the market in the UK; that the only continuing rationale for PST rests on citizen concerns. It shows that PST does give citizens public service benefits over and above those provided by the non-PSBs and online-only TV players, and these ‘citizenship’ benefits are highly valued by the public. PST also offers consumers better value for money because the non-PSBs' significantly higher cost per viewer-hour seems unlikely to be compensated for by commensurately higher audience appreciation. The main policy implication is simple: there is no necessary trade-off between citizen and consumer benefits: pound for pound, PST appears to deliver both sets of benefits better than the rest of the market.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Merkle

Abstract We test the proposition that investors’ ability to cope with financial losses is much better than they expect. In a panel survey of investors from a large bank in the UK, we ask for their subjective ratings of anticipated returns and experienced returns. The time period covered by the panel (2008–10) is one where investors experienced frequent losses and gains in their portfolios. This period offers a unique setting to evaluate investors’ hedonic experiences. We examine how the subjective ratings behave relative to expected portfolio returns and experienced portfolio returns. Loss aversion is strong for anticipated outcomes; investors are twice as sensitive to negative expected returns as to positive expected returns. However, when evaluating experienced returns, the effect diminishes by more than half and is well below commonly found loss aversion coefficients. This suggests that a large part of investors’ financial loss aversion results from an affective forecasting error.


Proceedings ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (15) ◽  
pp. 1152
Author(s):  
Aidan Reilly ◽  
Richard O'Hegarty ◽  
Oliver Kinnane

This paper presents work developing thin precast concrete sandwich panels for recladding and overcladding applications. These panels are designed for the retrofit of precast concrete structures where the underlying frame is structurally sound. Structural and thermal testing has been carried out to validate the performance of the panels. The panels are designed to have thermal performance better than current national standards, and this has been verified through hot-box testing of components and small-scale panels. Structural performance of the panels has been tested with 3 point bending tests on full-scale panels. Work is in progress towards demonstration of the panels on an occupied building in the UK.


1998 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Hayssen

In conjunction with establishing colonies of deer mice in the UK, effects of transportation on reproduction in agouti (A) and nonagouti (a) deer mice were assessed. Adults were shipped via ground courier and air freight from Northampton, Massachusetts, USA to Sutton Bonington, Leicestershire, England in February and June. Deer mice were paired upon arrival in Sutton Bonington, whereas matched controls were paired in the original colonies at shipping. To assess reproduction, the following variables were monitored for 110 days for all 96 pairs: number of pairs producing litters, time from pairing to birth, interlitter interval, litter size at birth, and litter size at weaning. Generally, shipping suppressed litter production and delayed its timing, but had less effect on litter size. Overall, 32 of 48 control pairs (67%) produced 69 litters compared with 37 litters from 21 of 48 pairs (44%) after shipping. Pairing-to-first-litter intervals were approximately two oestrous cycles shorter in control animals (39 vs 53 days). Averaged over all litters, litter size was higher in control pairs (4.4 vs 4.0). With respect to genotype, control agouti deer mice were less productive than nonagouti animals, but they reproduced better than nonagoutis after shipping. In control animals, colourmorphs did not differ with respect to litter production or timing, but agouti pairs had smaller litters (first litter: A: 3.1, a: 4.2) and this difference increased at successive litters (third litter A: 3.9, a: 6.0). After shipping, agouti animals produced more litters (A: 22, a: 15), and did so earlier (pairing to birth: A: 47 days, a: 60 days), as well as more frequently (interlitter interval: A: 32 days, a: 51 days). Litter size was also more similar between genotypes after shipping (A: 4.0, a: 4.1). Overall, control agouti animals produced 37% fewer offspring than nonagouti pairs (A: 116 neonates, a: 185 neonates), but after shipping agouti deer mice produced 43% more offspring than nonagouti animals (A: 87 neonates, a: 61 neonates). In sum, transport stress suppressed reproduction for several weeks after shipping and this suppression was exacerbated in nonagouti deer mice.


Author(s):  
Richard Griffiths

Twenty years ago, amid a great fanfare of enthusiasm, the Treaty of Maastricht created the European union and inaugurated the process for creating a single European currency for most of the then members (except the UK and Sweden, and later Denmark, that were given a temporary exemption) and all future members. Twenty years later, the anniversary of the treaty passed almost unnoticed (European Policy Centre, 2012). On that day, however, the impact of the treaty was never far from the headlines, as had also been the case for almost every day over the previous months. The Lehman brothers bankruptcy in September 2008 not only triggered a financial crisis that threatened to engulf the world, but it set in motion a series of shocks that have since reverberated through the Euro-area. It is fair to say that the crisis-management has not been an example of stream-lined efficiency, and there are lessons to be learned from that experience.However, the development of the Euro, and the crisis that has subsequently engulfed it, holds lessons in another direction. The European Union has long been held as a model, or an inspiration, for other experiments in regional cooperation and integration, including Mercosul, ASEAN and SADC. The model embodied an sequence of steps leading to ‘ever closer union’ that moved from a free trade area through a customs union and a single market and culminated in economic and monetary union. With the signing and implementation of the Treaty of Maastricht, the European Union had embarked on the penultimate step in this progression. But only half of it – a monetary union without a fiscal union. The Euro-crisis has now called that achievement into question and, in the process, undermined the authority of those espousing a European route towards closer integration, both for themselves as well as for other nations. As a convinced federalist, myself, I would not recommend abandoning the European example altogether, but if there is a lesson to be learned from this sorry episode, it is this: “if you are going to do it, do not do it this way”.This article examines the European experience with economic and monetary union from three perspectives – the design, the implementation and the management of the euro – before exploring the implications of the current crisis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 102 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-16
Author(s):  
Lyudmila Babynina ◽  

The United Kingdom left the European Union on January 31, 2020. On December 31, 2020, the transition period ended, during which all EU rules and regulations applied to Britain. The trade agreement was reached in record time, but it is too early to talk about long-term mutual benefits. The British case in the system of trade and economic agreements of the European Union is unique. On the one hand, at the time of the negotiations, the UK retained EU law, was a member of the EU Single Internal Market and Customs Union, subject to the jurisdiction of the EU Court of Justice. On the other hand, the EU for the first time found itself in a situation when a third country was determined to distance itself as much as possible from EU rules while concluding a trade agreement, despite the obvious economic losses. At the same time, both sides understood that the absence of an agreement threatened all interested actors with serious losses, and that it must be concluded. As a result, the compromise text of the TCA reflects the fundamentally different approaches of the parties to bilateral cooperation, and its provisions suggest a change of its format in the future.


Author(s):  
Kieran Broadbridge ◽  
Davey Stoker ◽  
Greg Cochran ◽  
G Kuzma

EU GMP Annex 1 requires that “reusable garments should be replaced based at a set frequency determined by qualification, or if damage is identified.” [1] In the UK, most cleanroom garments supplied to the pharmaceutical and healthcare sectors are washed and sterilised by gamma irradiation. This study compares cleanroom garment fabric performance across the lifespan of multiple fabrics. Previous research has shown that cleanroom garment fabrics terminally sterilised by gamma irradiation remain suitable for use for up to 50 processes, however, these studies often focus on a limited number of samples. This study uses a large sample set, analysing the performance up to 100 processes and compares the performance effects of gamma irradiation vs autoclaving, as an alternative sterilisation method. Multiple market leading cleanroom garment fabrics were washed and dried using a standard industrial cleanroom laundry process and sterilised by either gamma irradiation or autoclave. They were tested for particle barrier efficiency, abrasion resistance, pore size, and tensile strength as new, then at set process counts throughout their life, 10, 20, 30, 50, 70 and 100 processes. A process is equal to one wash/dry/sterilisation cycle. The results show that not all cleanroom garment fabrics deteriorate equally and that some market leading fabrics may not provide adequate performance throughout life, even if they are suitable when new. They also show that autoclaving is comparable with irradiation in durability and performance over a fabric’s life, in some cases performing better than irradiation above process counts of 50.


Author(s):  
Paul Cairney ◽  
Emily St Denny

If ‘prevention is better than cure’, why isn’t policy more preventive? Policymakers only have the ability to pay attention to, and influence, a tiny proportion of their responsibilities, and they engage in a policymaking environment of which they have limited understanding and even less control. This simple insight helps explain the gap between stated policymaker expectations and actual policy outcomes. We use these insights to produce new empirical studies of ‘wicked’ problems with practical lessons. We find that both the UK and Scottish governments use a simple idiom—prevention is better than cure—to sell a package of profound changes to policy and policymaking. Taken at face value, this focus on ‘prevention’ policy seems like an idea ‘whose time has come’. Yet, ‘prevention’ is too ambiguous until governments give it meaning. No government has found a way to turn this vague aim into a set of detailed, consistent, and defendable policies. We examine what happens when governments make commitments without knowing how to deliver them. We compare their policymaking contexts, roles, and responsibilities, policy styles, language, commitments, and outcomes in several cross-cutting policy areas (including health, families, justice, and employability) to make sense of their respective experiences. We use multiple insights from policy theory to help research and analyse the results. The results help policymakers reflect on how to avoid a cycle of optimism and despair when trying to solve problems that their predecessors did not.


Significance The UK government remains divided over how its relations with the EU’s customs union should be arranged after Brexit, while the EU is unimpressed by any of the suggestions put forward by London to date. This issue is central to both the future EU-UK trade relationship and the debate about how to resolve the question of the intra-Irish border. Impacts Any physical infrastructure on the Irish border would become a target for violence. A hard border could increase support for Irish reunification among Northern Irish Catholics. Different customs regimes in the EU and the United Kingdom could lead to smuggling.


Significance A ‘no deal’ outcome from the negotiations would have massively disruptive effects on both sides of the Channel. Impacts A ‘no deal’ outcome would create political bad will which would impede cooperation with remaining EU states across a range of issues. The short-term costs of adjustment and trade disruption will be additional to the costs of leaving the single market and customs union. The UK government could lose its reputation for competence.


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