scholarly journals Web 2.0 Socail Network Sites And Facebook Marketing

2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 708
Author(s):  
Andreas Chang

The use of Web 2.0 and Social Network Sites (SNS) has become an amazing phenomenon. In fact, one of the fastest-growing arenas of the World Wide Web is the space of so-called social networking sites. Face book, Tweeter, MySpace and other Social Network Sites have huge population of users. Almost seven hundred million people use Facebook, and hundreds of million others use other social networking sites. More and more advertisers switch their marketing budget to these SNS. This study contributes to our understanding of the Web 2.0 and the use of social networking websites by examining available literature. It seeks to understand what Web 2.0 and SNS mean, the trends, its functions and how they can be leveraged for marketing purposes.

Author(s):  
Danielle Fishman

As a result of the changing times, the constant overuse of recently discovered information communication technologies (ICT’s) has become a detrimental trend in contemporary society. There are a number of issues that arise from the regular use of these technologies which ultimately lead to the misuse of certain capabilities of these technologies. Web 2.0 (DiNucci, 1999), became the subject of discussion in the early 2000s. Web 2.0 identifies the newly popularized social networking sites on the World Wide Web which allow an interaction between the host and the user where the user has the ability to respond, comment or offer feedback to the host. It has been used to describe the idea of information sharing, feedback and ultimately, ubiquitous connectivity. As a result of the current Web 2.0 we engage in, there is a trend toward the constant use of social networking sites ultimately leading to participatory surveillance (Albrechtslund, 2008). Furthermore, the constant posting and updating required to manage your profile on social networking sites leads to new surveillance (Marx 2002) and sequentially, what has been termed lateral surveillance (Andrejevic, 2005). In addition, the development of location based technologies, for purposes of monitoring, have been integrated into popular social networking websites. The term Web 2.0 is associated with web applications that facilitate participatory information sharing, interoperability, user-centered design and collaboration on the World Wide Web. A Web 2.0 site allows users to interact and collaborate with one another in a social media dialogue as creators of user-generated content in a virtual community. This differs from the previous Web 1.0 websites where users (consumers) were limited to the passive viewing of content that was created for them. In turn, these activities are extensively popular and through the network effects of that popularity, economically significant (O’Reilly, 2005; Tweney, 2007; Madden and Fox, 2006). Finally, in accordance with the prosumer society, monetary gains are the primary focus of companies and furthermore, there has been a trend toward selling private information by internet website hosts in order to profit. The harnessing of collective intelligence within Web 2.0 demands platforms where this intelligence can be expressed and collected.  Furthermore, in an age of growing technology, new legislations must be created in conjunction with the growing use of personal information. In a time of extreme internet use, our privacy is limited. With a growing trend toward the integration of Web 2.0 in daily life, it is clear that the relationship between privacy and surveillance is dramatically changing. We, as users, are naive in understanding the concepts of privacy and surveillance in the Web 2.0 society. Social networking systems and information sharing has blurred our ideas of privacy and limited our understanding of the use of surveillance. In a growing age of a prosumer society and the culture of social networking, users are inadvertently exposed to living an entirely public life.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yi Liu ◽  
Kwangjo Kim

Since 2004 the term “Web 2.0” has generated a revolution on the World Wide Web and it has developed new ideas, services, application to improve and facilitate communications through the web. Technologies associated with the second-generation of the World Wide Web enable virtually anyone to share their data, documents, observations, and opinions on the Internet. The serious applications of Web 2.0 are sparse and this paper assesses its use in the context of applications, reflections, and collaborative spatial decision-making based on Web generations and in a particular Web 2.0.


2017 ◽  
Vol SED2017 (01) ◽  
pp. 11-13
Author(s):  
Archana Tiwari

The last decade witnessed an explosion of social networks such as Facebook, twitter, Instagram etc, which added a new social dimension to the web. While such networks have made people, communities and groups with shared interests stay more “connected”. Internet addiction and surfing so many social network sites on internet is an addiction and moreover this particular also started being recognized as psychological disorders all over the world. While several 90′s studies focused on Internet addiction, the next decade saw the growth of a new addiction related to all manner of social networking sites, especially the current king of the jungle: Facebook. This study investigated the existence of Internet addiction among youth and how users are becoming addicted to the Internet in much that same way that others became addicted to drugs or alcohol which resulted in academic and what are the advantages and disadvantages of social networking sites.


Author(s):  
Antonis Sidiropoulos ◽  
Dimitrios Katsaros ◽  
Yannis Manolopoulos

The World Wide Web, or simply Web, is a characteristic example of a social network (Newman, 2003; Wasserman & Faust, 1994). Other examples of social networks include the food web network, scientific collaboration networks, sexual relationships networks, metabolic networks, and air transportation networks. Socials networks are usually abstracted as graphs, comprised by vertices, edges (directed or not), and in some cases, with weights on these edges. Social network theory is concerned with properties related to connectivity (degree, structure, centrality), distances (diameter, shortest paths), “resilience” (geodesic edges or vertices, articulation vertices) of these graphs, models of network growth. Social networks have been studied long before the conception of the Web. Pioneering works for the characterization of the Web as a social network and for the study of its basic properties are due to the work of Barabasi and its colleagues (Albert, Jeong & Barabasi, 1999). Later, several studies investigated other aspects like its growth (Bianconi & Barabasi, 2001; Menczer, 2004; Pennock, Flake, Lawrence, Glover, & Giles, 2002; Watts & Strogatz, 1998), its “small-world” nature in that pages can reach other pages with only a small number of links, and its scale-free nature (Adamic & Huberman, 2000; Barabasi & Albert, 1999; Barabasi & Bonabeau, 2003) (i.e., a feature implying that it is dominated by a relatively small number of Web pages that are connected to many others; these pages are called hubs and have a seemingly unlimited number of hyperlinks). Thus, the distribution of Web page linkages follows a power law in that most nodes have just a few hyperlinks and some have a tremendous number of links In that sense, the system has no “scale” (see Figure 1).


Author(s):  
Matthew Allen

Web 2.0 has been a dominant concept in recent discussion and development of Internet applications, businesses and uses. Dating from 2004, the term Web 2.0 is variously understood as new forms of website development and delivery technology, changing uses of the Internet to emphasise sociability over consumption, new understandings of the possible financial exploitation of the web, and more broadly, a new way of thinking about the Internet as a whole. However, Web 2.0 is, conceptually, both more and less than these various understandings and we can only grasp why it has become such a key term in contemporary usage by appreciating two key discursive foundations for this term. Firstly, much Web 2.0 thinking is a re-expression of long-held ideas about the Internet and the web. Secondly, at the particular time when Web 2.0 was made popular, net technology policy makers and financial analysts were primarily enthused by the possibilities of broadband networks for improved and more profitable versions of the well-established businesses of telephony and audio-visual entertainment, and had to some extent consigned novel, web-based services to a lesser role, following the dot.com crash. Thus, as I argue in this paper, Web 2.0 can be understood as a key intervention, from within the dot.com / new media business sector, recovering from the crash, that re-asserts the equal legitimacy of the use of networked computing, over high-speed lines, for computing-oriented activities, and not just video on demand and voice over IP. In short, in the first years of this century, discussions about the future of the Internet had become dominated by arguments for increased broadband access, substantially concerned with providing more traditional video and voice services in new ways. The World Wide Web was seen as relatively unimportant for this purpose, even though it was part of the so-called 'triple play' of voice and data services. At this time, first in the hands of Tim O'Reilly and then from others who took up his position, Web 2.0 became a catchy simple term under which to mount a campaign for the renaissance of the World Wide Web as a quite distinct, yet equally important, form of media and communications. So, Web 2.0 provides evidence that, while there is a convergence of all forms of media and communications towards similar data traffic over the Internet, there remain diverging views over the nature, control and use of the Internet, views that express the degree to which corporate players imagine themselves to be 'media', 'telephony' or 'computing' in primary orientation.


Author(s):  
Daniel B. Lee ◽  
Jessica Goede ◽  
Rebecca Shryock

Social networking sites such as MySpace and Facebook depend on familiar social resources, including language, reading/writing and established semantic constructs such as personhood, privacy and friends. However, the use of computers, the Web 2.0 platform, and the latest networking software are revolutionising how “personhood” and “friendship” are produced by communication. We refer to the media theory of Niklas Luhmann to identify specific differences in how communication is organised and reproduced on networking sites. The electronic medium appears to be changing the way participants selectively construct and bind expectations of personhood and communicative ties to themselves and others. Using software available on the Web, users confront each other as digital bodies, as participants in communication, available for friendship within a new “ether of interactivity”.


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 1411-1413
Author(s):  
Nader Yahya Alkeinay ◽  
Norita Md Norwawi ◽  
Fauziah Abdul Wahid ◽  
Roesnita Ismail ◽  
Najwa Hayaati Mohd Alwi

Social network is term used to refer to the social structure that is made up of a set of social actors. The social actors in this case include organizations or individuals. Social networks allow people to interact and socialize as they get to learn and know each other. Through social networking sites, people from different parts of a country or the world also get to meet and interact. However, there have been issues with regards to social network privacy for those who use the internet to use social network sites. This paper will look at some of the factors that affect trust of the users as well as the privacy issues related to social networks (Fernandez, 2009).


2014 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meg Foster

This article examines the complex and powerful relationship between the internet and public history. It explores how public history is being experienced and practiced in a digital world where ‘you’ – both public historians and laypeople – are made powerful through using the world wide web. Web 2.0 is a dynamic terrain that provides both opportunities and challenges to the creation of history. While it may facilitate more open, democratic history making, the internet simultaneously raises questions about gatekeeping, authority and who has the right to speak for the past. Though the web provides new avenues for distributing historical information, how these are used and by whom remain pressing questions. 


Author(s):  
Татьяна Александровна Мирвода

С момента наступления эпохи Web 2.0 и по сей день в Интернете востребованы истории о всевозможных ужасах, в обилии представленные на его просторах в виде различных жанров и форм и именуемые самими пользователями крипипастой. Но, как это ни парадоксально, существуя в виде самодостаточной традиции сетевой культуры более пятнадцати лет и продолжая развиваться, данное явление до сих пор остается слабо изученным. Чтобы разобраться в этом обилии присутствующих в Интернете страшных историй и родственных им явлений, мы были вынуждены ввести два интерферирующих понятия: «сетевой “страшный” фольклор» и «“страшный” фольклор в Сети», а также исследовать повсеместно употребляемый интернет-пользователями в отношении содержимого обоих понятий термин «крипипаста». По нашему определению, «“страшный” фольклор в Сети» - это все представленные в Интернете и каким-либо образом ассоциирующиеся со страшным у пользователей и/или исследователей произведения народного творчества как сетевого, так и несетевого происхождения. Сетевым «страшным» фольклором мы назвали пласт собственно интернет-фольклора, к которому относятся подпадающие под его определение произведения, тематически и функционально связанные с переживанием страха, а также все возникшие в Интернете пародии на них, рьяно эксплуатирующие макабрическую стилистику оригиналов, но на деле лишь прикидывающиеся пугающими. Что же касается термина «крипипаста», то, суммируя множество пользовательских трактовок, мы выделили три самых распространенных его понимания: 1) как жанра «страшного» интернет-фольклора; 2) как традиции сетевого «страшного» повествования; 3) как семантической категории, включающей в себя все каким-либо образом связанное со «страшным» в Интернете. From the beginning of the era of Web 2.0 and to this day, stories about all kinds of horrors are in demand on the Internet. They appear in abundance on the World Wide Web in a wide variety of genres and forms, called “creepypasta” by users themselves. But, paradoxically, this phenomenon, which has existed as a self-sufficient tradition of network culture for about fifteen years and continuing to develop, remains insufficiently explored. In this article, we offer two intersecting definitions of this material: “scary” folklore on the Web and the web’s “scary” folklore, and we also explore the term “creepypasta,” which is generally used by Internet users in relation to both phenomena. “‘Scary’ folklore on the Web” indicates all works of folk art, both of web and non-web origin, presented on the Internet and perceived by users and researchers as related to what is frightening. “The web’s ‘scary’ folklore” designates Internet folklore itself that is thematically and functionally related to the experience of fear, as well as Internet parodies which energetically exploit the macabre style of the originals, but in reality only pretend to be frightening. As for the term “creepypasta,” we sum up three of its most common understandings: 1) as a genre of the web’s “scary” folklore; 2) as the web tradition of “scary” narration; 3) as a semantic category including everything in any way connected with the “scary” on the Internet.


Author(s):  
Reinaldo Padilha França ◽  
Ana Carolina Borges Monteiro ◽  
Rangel Arthur ◽  
Yuzo Iano

Web 2.0 is the evolution of the web. Seen as a new and second movement of access to information through the world wide web, Web 2.0 brings interactivity and collaboration as the main keys to its functioning. It is now possible and simpler and faster to send information at any time, by any user connected to the internet. The ease of uploading information, images, and videos on the Web 2.0 is due to the expansion of resources and codes, allowing anyone to be able to act naturally and take their own content to the internet. As the data and information shared daily is almost infinite, the search engines act even more intuitively and bring only results tailored to each user. Therefore, this chapter aims to provide an updated review and overview of Web 2.0, addressing its evolution and fundamental concepts, showing its relationship, as well as approaching its success with a concise bibliographic background, categorizing and synthesizing the potential of technology.


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