Can Social Media Incite Political Mobilization?

2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (38) ◽  
pp. 701-717
Author(s):  
Eman Mosharafa
Author(s):  
Kenneth C. C. Yang ◽  
Yowei Kang

On March 18, 2014, a group of student protestors raided and occupied the Legislative Yuan and later the Executive Yuan in Taiwan. The student-led movement lasted for about 3 weeks after Taiwan's President made significant concessions to change his non-transparent practices when signing the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA) with People's Republic of China. Mostly labelled as a movement of civil disobedience against government's dealings with China, the 318 Sunflower Student Movement is viewed as an important step toward the deepening of Taiwan's democratization process. Its repercussions were felt in Hong-Kong and Macao where similar civil disobedience movements had emerged. On the basis of the resource mobilization theory (RMT), the authors used a combination of case study and thematic analysis methods to examine the role of social media in political mobilization in Taiwan. This chapter identified two major recurrent themes as follows: challenging mainstream media and mobilizing multi-movement resources.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nwachukwu Andrew Egbunike ◽  
Noel Ihebuzor ◽  
Ngozi Onyechi

Social media is becoming increasingly important as a means for social engagement. In Nigeria, Twitter is employed to convey opinion and make commentary on matters ranging from football to politics. Tweets are also used to inform, advocate, recruit and even incite. Previous studies have shown that Twitter could be effective for political mobilization. However, there is dearth of research on how Twitter has been used as a purveyor of neutral and/or hate speech in the Nigerian context. This study examined the nature of tweets in the immediate aftermath of the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria. The authors employed content analysis of 250 purposively selected tweets from the #Igbo hashtag which trended between March 29 and 31, 2015. The tweets were then categorized into five explicit hate and one neutral tweet category respectively. Results revealed the dominance of three hate tweet types: derogatory, mocking and blaming. These findings were then discussed bearing in mind earlier theories on the functionality of tweets and voting patterns from an analysis of the election results.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 23-36
Author(s):  
V. Achkasova ◽  
Yu. Dobrovol'skaya

The article attempts to develop an approach to describing the mechanism of network political mobilization by political leaders. The purpose was achieved through a pilot empirical study. In order to obtain data on the participants, means and methods of political mobilization in the network space the method of questioning was used. The audience of the research is students of universities of large Russian cities in the number of 83 people. Participants of research are selected by a method of purposeful sampling. The objectives of the analysis are also the communication environment of political leaders in the network space, technologies, methods and system of evaluation of interaction in social media. The results of the research confirmed the hypothesis of the deployment process of the phenomenon of network political leadership, identified and described trends in the communications of network leaders. Authors offered a methodology of research of network mobilization process through a prism of parameters of network involvement and online political support. The presence of these elements makes it possible to launch the mechanism of political mobilization in social networks. In the long term, the data obtained and the developed tools for empirical research can be useful in conducting large-scale political research, in particular, studying the phenomenon of political recruiting.


2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Signe Bock Segaard

AbstractWhile observers have focused on the political use of social media when exploring their democratic potential, we know little about users’ perceptions of these media. These perceptions could well be important to understanding the political use of social media. In exploring users’ perceptions, the article asks whether politicians and voters view social media in a similar way, and to what extent they consider social media to be an apt arena for political communication. Within a Norwegian context, which may prove useful as a critical case, and using the technological frames model, we find that although voters’ and politicians’ opinions are not that dissimilar overall, politicians are more likely to recognize the political communicative role of social media. However, social media do indeed have the potential to become arenas for political mobilization among groups that traditionally are less visible in political arenas.


Author(s):  
Piya Sinha

India is considered as the largest democracy in the world. The proper functioning of a democratic system depends upon its electoral politics and election result is the outcome of the mobilization strategies adopted by the different political parties of the country. Thus political mobilization is particularly important in any democratic politics. This paper seeks to understand how the mobilization strategy has been redefined due to the entry of social media into politics. There is no scope to deny the fact that conventional media still play an important role in political mobilization. But the coming into being of social media into politics has made things more interesting, politics more democratic and the electoral system more inclusive. The political leaders irrespective of political parties are trying their best to utilize the social media platforms for their electoral benefits. The paper is evaluating the role of social media in political mobilization as different from conventional media with the expectation that doing away with the fake news will make this new media a prospective media in the near future.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1249-1278
Author(s):  
Amir Manzoor

In light of many recent Internet-led revolutions, the Internet and its tools of social media have been heralded as instrumental in facilitating the uprisings. This chapter provides a close examination of the social media role in grass roots political and social change movements. The chapter discusses the ways activists have used social media tools for organizing and generating awareness of political mobilization and the characteristics of social networking that can be harnessed in a particular cultural and historical context to achieve collective political actions. The chapter also discusses long-established theories of communication to explain how social networking tools became appealing to the activists in these Internet-led movements. The chapter will look at various Internet-led political movements around the globe to demonstrate the enormous potential of social networking tools to facilitate and expedite political mobilization.


Author(s):  
Silas Udenze

The robust contributions of social media to Nigeria's politics cannot be underestimated. The increase in the informal flow of information on social media has reduced the existing gap between leaders and the electorate. This chapter analyzes the effect of social media in a democratic society like Nigeria. It explains the importance of social media in politics and the inherent issues in its adoption in the Nigeria experience. Existing research on social media and politics tend to focus on finding out how social media has marred Nigeria's politics. However, there is little evidence of scholars' presenting robust findings of the impact of social media on presenting a robust framework landscape. Consequently, the chapter provides insights on how social media has impacted Nigeria's politics. Furthermore, it critically analyzes and dissects the synergy between social media and politics, democracy, political mobilization, political education, and political advertising.


2020 ◽  
Vol 338 ◽  
pp. 431-442
Author(s):  
Assem Kalkamanova

This paper focuses on the role of social media in the rise of the protest movements and political mobilization in Kazakhstan. The country has been seeing an increase in the social networks based civil activists since recently. I argue that the emergence of the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan that operates only within the realm of social media platforms promoted political activism and civil protests in the country. Most importantly, I argue that in contrast to the conclusions of the Kazakhstani court’s decision in March 2018, the movement leader’s Facebook blog reveals no violence either towards the government or some specific political elite. Using text mining methods, I analyzed the texts of his Facebook posts from the announcement date in 2017 till the end of 2019: the rhetoric of the position of the Democratic Choice is informational, first, and protest calling, second. Also, the analysis of seven most popular political Youtube bloggers shows that the people’s discontent with injustices and undemocratic polity manifested in the poignant interest towards the creator of this system, Mr. Nazarbayev and his closest circle. The SMM software allowed to find out the areas of Kazakhstani politics that are of most interest to the audience of Kazakhstani political activists.


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