scholarly journals The Сelebration of the First Anniversary of the October Revolution and the Red Terror: Legitimizing of Revolutionary Violence

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 976-988
Author(s):  
K. V. Godunov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
October Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet History ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Revolutionary Violence ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
The Revolution

The author explores how attitudes toward the Red Terror and activities of the Cheka were manifested during celebrations of the first anniversary of the October Revolution. Based on a study of speeches by Bolshevik leaders, propaganda materials related to the festival, discussions at various levels, and characteristics about the holiday provided by opponents and enemies of the ruling party, the author demonstrates what arguments were used for legitimation and delegitimation of the Red Terror. The author analyzes the discussion by D. B. Ryazanov and G. E. Zinovev on the correlation of terror and the holiday; characterizes the position of V. I. Lenin and other prominent Bolsheviks who used the holiday as a resource to discuss the powers of the Cheka; and describes positions of opponents to the Bolsheviks. The significance of one of the first political amnesties in Soviet history, dedicated to the celebration of the October Revolution, is described. Prominent Bolsheviks perceived the role of terror in the revolution in different ways: if V. I. Lenin and G. E. Zinovev, in the struggle to strengthen their influence, were insistent on the need to deepen terror, D. B. Ryazanov insisted that the scope of repressive politics should be limited, and L. B. Kamenev lobbied for amnesties. All of them used the celebration of the first anniversary of October to implement their projects. Research on the linkage between the Red Terror and the holiday provide insights into the specifics of the political situation in the autumn of 1918.

scholarly journals Silhouettes of the Revolution: Ideas of V. I. Lenin, L. D. Trotsky and A. V. Lunacharsky in Zenith (1921-1926)

2021 ◽  
pp. 68-78
Author(s):  
Jelena Lalatović
Keyword(s):  
Editorial Policy ◽  
October Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Avant Garde ◽  
Historical Role ◽  
Intertextual Connections ◽  
The One ◽  
Level Of Analysis ◽  
The Revolution

The matters of the October Revolution are present on several levels in Zenit from the first issue until the closing of the magazine. The October Revolution appears as a topic in Zenit in discussions about Soviet Avant-garde art, as well as the sociopolitical consequences of the Revolution, but also as a symbol of the destruction of old civilisation, one of the fundamental programme principles of Zenitism. This paper analyses the strategies for shaping the concept and discourse on the October Revolution in Zenit. First, the intertextual connections between the texts that speak about the Soviet artistic Avant-garde and the texts about the political Avant-garde of the October Revolution are reconstructed, i.e. their ideological and aesthetic unity as a product of Ljubomir Micić's editorial policy. Then, the second level of analysis occurs through a comparative reading of the programmatic principles of Zenithism and the ideas of the representatives of the Soviet political Avant-garde - Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, Leon Davidovich Trotsky and Anatoly Vasilyevich Lunacharsky. The aim of this paper is to examine how the figures of revolutionary leaders and artists, and the reception of their works and texts in the Zenit magazine, shaped the Zenitist understanding of the historical role of Avant-garde art as new art. Furthermore, special attention is paid to the interpretation of Zenit's artistic ideology in the context of revolutionary Marxism, i.e. to the analysis of implicit ambivalences between artistic individuality, on the one hand, and the Avant-garde and Revolution, as collective events, on the other.

“The Factory Of The Revolution”

Women Rising ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 354-362
Author(s):  
Layla Saleh
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Second Year ◽  
Role Of Women ◽  
Syrian Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

Giving a personal voice to the role of women in the Syrian revolution, Layla Saleh places the account of one Syrian woman, Um Ibrahim, exiled in the second year of the uprising, in the larger context of women’s participation in the revolutionary popular mobilization, after the Assad regime’s “women’s rights” proved unsatisfactory and insufficient. The narrative culminates in Um Ibrahim’s own participation in the protests in Damascus before the full-fledged war took hold. Um Ibrahim recounts how women took on a central role in the Syrian revolution, hiding protesters, cooking, delivering food and weapons, and serving in the political and armed opposition. However, they have been victimized by the war, their activist role has been diminished, and their security and physical well-being have become precarious as the country is bloodily entrenched in civil and proxy warfare.

Sir Simonds D'Ewes and the levying of ship money, 1635–1640

1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. P. Salt
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Relationship

ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the relationship between constitutional ideas and political action during the 1630s by comparing the privately expressed ideas of Sir Simonds D'Ewes regarding ship money with his conduct regarding the levy, especially while he was sheriff of Suffolk in 1639–40. The first section investigates the constitutionalist views expressed in D'Ewes's ‘autobiography’, unpublished during his lifetime, and their relationship to D'Ewes's attitude to the political role of the levy. The second section studies D'Ewes's conduct as sheriff, in which he gave almost no expression to constitutionalist ideas, and suggests that he struck a middle course between neglect and zeal, while finding means to oppose the levy through his connections at court. The third section seeks to establish the reasons for the inconsistencies between D'Ewes's privately expressed ideas and his public conduct, which may have lain in a belief that, in the prevailing political situation, criticism of the levy had, in order to be effective, to be expressed in terms acceptable to potentially sympathetic courtiers; D'Ewes adapted the tone of his comments on ship money to his audience in order to achieve political ends, but had also to act in ways which would make that tone convincing. Participation in the collection of ship money was therefore not inconsistent with opposition to it.

scholarly journals Prerequisites for self-determination and the sovereignty of Tuva (Russia) in 1921

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3C) ◽  
pp. 272-277
Author(s):  
Andrey Ivanovich Baksheev ◽  
Pavel Alexandrovich Novikov ◽  
Alla Lospanovna Mongush ◽  
Saida Vladimirovna Saaya ◽  
Julia Sergeevna Shepeleva ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Self Determination ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Context ◽  
Declaration Of Independence ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Status ◽  
Soviet Russia

The article analyzes the prerequisites of self-determination and sovereignty of Tuva in 1921. Briefly, the general context of events is revealed, the main episodes and key personalities are listed. Using historical-genetic, comparative-historical and problem-chronological methods, the positions of Mongolia and Soviet Russia and their relationship on the status of Tuva, the organization and convocation of the All-Tuva Constituent Khural, which proclaimed the independence of Tuva, as well as the consequences of the declaration of independence of Tuva, were reconstructed. The role of the authorized representative of the Sibrevkom in Uryanhai I.G. Safyanov in this process is shown. In conclusion, the authors conclude that the emergence of a sovereign Tuva state was made possible both due to the contradictory political situation in Asia and due to the role of I.G. Safyanov in history. Since 1921, Tuva began to live and develop in the political and economic conditions created by the Constituent Khural.

scholarly journals Szczerość i autotematyzm. Przypadek dwóch tekstów publicystycznych Wilhelma Macha

Wielogłos ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 69-86
Author(s):  
Adriana Kovacheva
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Concern ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Soviet Philosopher ◽  
Time Reading ◽  
Thaw Period

Sincerity and Autothematism. The Case of Two Journalistic Texts by Wilhelm Mach In the present article I examine in detail two journalistic texts by the Polish writer Wilhelm Mach. The main concern of the analysis is Mach’s implicit anxiety to be sincere. I am arguing here that the requirement for sincerity is intricately connected with the political atmosphere of the Thaw period in Poland, which began after Stalin’s death. I put forward the thesis that Mach’s positive validation of sincerity influences his programmatic metafiction and constitutes a reaction to the political situation. At the same time, reading the writer’s proposals against the background of the then-popular Soviet philosopher Vladimir Pamerancev’s ideas, I demonstrate that Mach is not convinced by the model of subjectivity behind the idea of honesty promoted at the time. His awareness of the role of literary conventions leads him to ironic subversion of the idea of directness and sincerity in literature.

scholarly journals The Ukrainian People’s Gromada in the Civil War: Ukrainian Conservatives, Russian Statists, or Little Russian Patriots?

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anton Chemakin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central State ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Short Period ◽  
State Archives

This article is devoted to the Ukrainian People’s Gromada (UPG), the organization of Little Russian landlords which played a prominent part in the political life of Ukraine and South Russia during the Civil War. Ukrainian historiography treats the UPG as an organisation of Ukrainian conservatives and assigns it the key role in the Hetman coup d’état of April 1918. There is also a widespread opinion that the Gromada was dissolved immediately after Hetman P. P. Skoropadsky took power. This work aims to reconsider traditional views on UPG and, with reference to new archival sources, prove the following: the role of the Gromada in the coup d’état was exaggerated considerably; the UPG continued to exist after Skoropadsky took power; and one can doubt the “Ukrainian” nature of the organisation, despite its name. Based on Skoropadsky’s memoirs and the accounts of other witnesses, as well as some German sources, the author proves that the Gromada was not the leading force in the coup d’état, but only the organisation which prepared lists of candidates to be included in the new government. The sources kept in the Central State Archives of the Supreme Bodies of Power and Government of Ukraine and the Hoover Institution Archives that are devoted to the activities of the UPG from the summer of 1918 to the spring of 1919 have not been made public previously. After the directorate seized power, the leaders of the Gromada fled from Kiev to Odessa. There they took part in local political intrigues and tried to distance themselves from Hetman Skoropadsky and the project of the Ukrainian state. The UPG leaders, who had previously viewed themselves as Ukrainian “samostiyniks”, now proclaimed that they were not Ukrainians, but Little Russians and “Russian statists”. An attempt is made to analyse the reasons why UPG members moved from the Russian political camp to the Ukrainian one and back several times in a comparatively short period. Based on research in the field of “nationalism studies”, the author concludes that the Gromada members had traditional, pre-modern views on the nation (in this case as a corporation of Little Russian nobility), which, together with their desire to adapt to the ever-changing political situation and fight for their privileges and economic interests, made it possible for them to keep joining Russian and Ukrainian nationalists interchangeably without perceiving their actions as national treason. The study of this topic makes it possible to address the Little Russian nobility’s behaviour in the Civil War and their attempts to integrate into Ukrainian or Russian national projects.

scholarly journals Images of madness. The end of mental hospitals illustrated through photographs

2004 ◽  
Vol 03 (02) ◽  
pp. A03 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federica Manzoli
Keyword(s):  
Science Communication ◽  
History Of Psychiatry ◽  
The Political ◽  
Profound Change ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Mental Hospitals ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Revolution

The use of photography in the field of psychiatry is an eloquent example of the complex evolution of the relationship between science, communication and society. The research that follows analyses the development of such a relationship in a crucial period of the history of psychiatry: the 1970s. That was the time that witnessed the revolution of a science which admitted the failure of its methods and "instruments", mental hospitals. That was also the time when a profound change took place in the communicative methods of photography related to this uncertain field of knowledge. A group of photographers, driven by the political situation of the time, covered the end of mental hospitals.

scholarly journals ISLAM, STATE AND SECULARISM; ANALYSIS ON THE SUBSTANTIVE POLITICAL PARADIGM IN INDONESIA

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (3-1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohamad Latief ◽  
Mifedwil Jandra
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Preference ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Pluralistic Society ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Proper Role ◽  
The One ◽  
Role Of Religion ◽  
The Relationship

This research aims at analyzing political secularism in Indonesia and most specifically dealing with the recurrent polemic upon the relationship between Islam and State. The research initially seeks to describe the political situation of the country where the formalistic and substantives debate, especially on their distinctive approach to stipulate the proper role of religion on the country’s politic, could be witnessed. The description, however, will deal more on the latter political paradigm which is increasingly grasping an impressive preference from numbers of political individuals and institutions particularly when they come to discuss Islamic tenets and their application within the context of a pluralistic society like Indonesia. Using normative and socio-historical approaches, the paper argues that this political preference, despite its convincing successes in Islamizing the country’s politic, still suffers from numbers of defects that finally raise our apprehension. These defects summarily provide proofs to the questioned commitment of the substantive to the Islamic political values as a whole; the one which reveals an agreed separation of the state and religion; the one of secularism.Keywords; Formalistic, Substantive, Secularism, Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, Partai Amanat Nasional. AbstractThis research aims at analyzing political secularism in Indonesia and most specifically dealing with the recurrent polemic upon the relationship between Islam and State. The research initially seeks to describe the political situation of the country where the formalistic and substantives debate, especially on their distinctive approach to stipulate the proper role of religion on the country’s politic, could be witnessed. The description, however, will deal more on the latter political paradigm which is increasingly grasping an impressive preference from numbers of political individuals and institutions particularly when they come to discuss Islamic tenets and their application within the context of a pluralistic society like Indonesia. Using normative and socio-historical approaches, the paper argues that this political preference, despite its convincing successes in Islamizing the country’s politic, still suffers from numbers of defects that finally raise our apprehension. These defects summarily provide proofs to the questioned commitment of the substantive to the Islamic political values as a whole; the one which reveals an agreed separation of the state and religion; the one of secularism.Keywords; Formalistic, Substantive, Secularism, Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, Partai Amanat Nasional.

The Debate over Theory Before Malthus and Ricardo

2021 ◽  
pp. 31-66
Author(s):  
Ryan Walter
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Political Reform ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Edmund Burke ◽  
The Political ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter establishes a new context for reading the political economy of Malthus and Ricardo. It is the extended debate over the role of theory and practice in politics and political reform, a contest that Edmund Burke launched by publishing his hostile response to the French Revolution, Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790). In attempting to defend theory, both Mackintosh and Stewart engaged in sophisticated rhetoric that attempted to portray Burke’s veneration of custom and usage as philosophically naïve at the same time as they insisted on the necessity of theory for a science of politics. It is in these defensive postures that both Mackintosh and Stewart came to articulate the idea of a ‘theorist’ of politics.

Staging Peace

2019 ◽  
pp. 64-88
Author(s):  
Steven T. Zech
Keyword(s):  
Labor Unions ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Civil Action ◽  
Collective Actors ◽  
Revolutionary Violence ◽  
Theatrical Performances ◽  
Violent Action ◽  
Conflict Outcomes

This chapter examines the ways in which civil action by nonstate actors influenced the trajectory of armed conflict in Peru during the 1980s and 1990s. Religious organizations, labor unions, and NGOs are just a few examples of groups that affected conflict outcomes. The chapter provides a brief overview of how a variety of groups affected violence in Peru, focusing on the role of artists and theater groups in particular, and argues that art serves as a mobilizing force that can move collective actors both toward and away from violent action. Based on an examination of the theater group Vichama Teatro, the chapter argues that Vichama’s members worked inside activist networks in a civil way to resist revolutionary violence and to make demands on an increasingly abusive state. Vichama members used theatrical performances to articulate the importance of nonviolent strategies and to communicate the political objectives of activist allies.

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