On en sont les partis politiques, au lendemain du 8 octobre 2000?

Res Publica ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 575-587
Author(s):  
William Fraeys
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Green Parties ◽  
Political Group ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Liberal Group ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
Walloon Region

On October 8th 2000 municipal elections were held in Belgium to renew the local councils which had been elected in 1994. In the Walloon region and in Flanders in addition provincial elections were organised.  The aim of the article is to try and measure globally where the political forces stand after these elections and among others to assess whether significant swings have take place since june 13th, 1999, when the latest parliamentary and regional elections took place.  On the basis of an estimation of the global results in the municipal elections of the various parties in the Walloon region, in Flanders and in Brussels, backed up by the actual results of the provincial elections, one can say that the liberal group bas strengthened its first position.The Christian democrats, who make up the second most important political group and the Socialists, who rank third, have regained a large part of the losses they incurred onjune 13th, 1999.Although improving their results in comparison with 1994, the Green parties lost again part of their advance they registered in the parliamentary and regional elections and which had probably been boosted by the dioxin crisis.The frenchspeaking far right practically disappears, whereas the Vlaams Blok obtained an average of 15 % of the Flemish electorate in the municipal and provincial elections, a level which it had reached in the 1999 parliamentary elections.

Les élections régionales et européennes du 13 juin 2004 : Analyse des résultats

Res Publica ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 46 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 357-376
Author(s):  
William Fraeys
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Green Party ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Third ◽  
Main Development ◽  
Regional Elections

In Belgium the European elections and those for the regional councils were held on the same day. The elections of June 13th 2004 deserve a threefold analysis. First a comparison can be made with the results obtained five years ago for the same assemblies. lt shows that in Flanders the socialist party has progressed but that this advance was mainly due to the constitution of a cartel with one faction - Spirit - of the defunct Volksunie. The christian democrats made headway, their progress being enhanced by the contribution of N-VA, the other faction stemming from the Volksunie. The liberals declined fairly markedly as did the green party but to a lesser extent than in the elections for the federal parliament. The June 2004 elections saw above all progress for the extreme right Vlaams Blok, which has become the second biggest party of Flanders with 24 pct of the vote. In the Walloon provinces the socialists progress most thereby increasing the gap separating them from the liberals. The christian democrats advance somewhat while the green party Ecolo declines substantially.  The parties of the far right gain support and reach 8.73 pct of the vote. In Brussels the socialist advance is very marked allowing this party to conquer first place to the detriment of the liberals who are in decline. The progress made by frenchspeaking christian democrats is significant.A second approach for the analysis consists in comparing the results of the regional elections with those of the European ones. The differences are slight and rnainly due to the popularity of the candidates. In Belgium there was no "eurosceptic" or "sovereignty" list.  The third angle consists in comparing the 2004 results with the ones of the parliamentary elections of 2003. One then observes in Flanders a decline of the socialists, a significant fall in support for the liberals and a progression of the christian democrats. But the main development remains the progression of the Vlaams Blok which gains more than 6 pct compared to its good result of 2003.  In the Walloon provinces, the socialists remain at their 2003 level but increase their positive gap with regard to the liberals who are in decline. The christian democrats advance by some 2 pct whereas Ecolo recovers a small part of its 2003 loss. The parties of the far right gain some 1.5 pct. In Brussels, the most noteworthy developrnent is the progress of the frenchspeaking socialists who take over the first place from the liberals.In genera!lthese elections are characterised by a reinforcement of the far right to the detriment of the centre parties and by a status quo of the aggregate consisting of socialists and greens, but to the benefit of the former.

Polarization and Electoral Incentives: The End of the Chilean Consensus Democracy, 1990–2014

2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 49-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Fábrega ◽  
Jorge González ◽  
Jaime Lindh
Keyword(s):  
Bargaining Power ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Consensus Democracy ◽  
Electoral Incentives ◽  
Spatial Voting ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Political Center

AbstractConsensus democracy among the main Chilean political forces ended abruptly after the 2013 presidential and parliamentary elections, the most polarized elections since the return to democracy in 1990. Relying on spatial voting theory to uncover latent ideological dimensions from survey data between 1990 and 2014, this study finds patterns of gradual polarization starting at least ten years before the collapse of consensus, based on an increasing demobilization of the political center that misaligned politicians from their political platforms (particularly in the center-left parties). That phenomenon changed the political support for the two main political coalitions and the intracoalition bargaining power of their various factions. The pattern also helps to explain the process behind the 2015 reform of the electoral system.

Pandemic year in Spain. Political outcome

2021 ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Alexandra Kurakina-Damir
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Image Point ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The One ◽  
Regional Elections

Despite well-founded doubts about the viability of the coalition (which had insufficient support of the deputies for the adoption of important laws), a well-built strategy of political communication during the pandemic allowed the cabinet of ministers not only to withstand, but also to strengthen its positions. Over the past year, a number of strategically important decisions, both from a political and image point of view, have been adopted. The coronavirus pandemic has had a significant impact on the legislative process. The solution to the Catalan problem faded into the background. In part, this was due to the need for early parliamentary elections in the region and the alleged regrouping of political forces. The revealed facts of possible financial abuse of the honorary king hurt the image of the Crown, but the measures taken today to restore prestige are bearing fruit. Among the electoral trends noted, it is worth highlighting the strengthening of positions of socialists and rightwing populists (especially following the results of early regional elections in Catalonia), as well as a decline in support for left-wing populism. Ciudadanos' position remains unstable: on the one hand, it managed to slightly regain its position in early 2020, but further growth in support stalled, and poor results in the Catalan elections once again raised the question of whether the party has a future. Conservatives, by contrast, have established themselves as the leader of the bloc. Having lost a share of supporters at the beginning of the study period, they tried with all their might to restore the balance, periodically changing the strategy of actions.

Slovak centre-right must unite to win again in 2020

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Other ◽  
Far Right ◽  
New Parties ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Central European ◽  
Nationalist Government ◽  
Regional Elections

Subject The government’s poor showing in regional elections. Significance Elections in Slovakia’s eight regions on November 4 led to a surprise defeat for Prime Minister Robert Fico’s Direction-Social Democracy (Smer-SD) party, whose candidates lost four of the six governorships they previously held. A coalition of opposition centre-right parties, which normally only win the governorship in the most prosperous region, Bratislava, was victorious in five of the eight regions. This is the strongest indication yet that the current left-nationalist government could be replaced by such a coalition at the next parliamentary elections due in spring 2020. Impacts The current governing coalition will want to avoid early elections and serve a full four-year term until March 2020. Fico is likely to continue promoting generous social policies to increase his political support. With the defeat of the far-right, Slovakia will continue to diverge from the other Central European states. The weakening of Smer-SD and lack of trust shown by voters leaves considerable scope for new parties to succeed in future elections.

Holding Off the National Front

2019 ◽  
pp. 163-174
Author(s):  
John W.P. Veugelers
Keyword(s):  
State Funding ◽  
Public Works ◽  
Far Right ◽  
National Front ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Departmental Level ◽  
Power Base ◽  
Local Results ◽  
The City

This chapter examines how the moderate right has held power in Toulon ever since the far-right experiment of 1995–2001. Eleven towns in France elected the National Front to power in the 2014 municipal elections and three of those towns are in the Var. Still, the moderate right enjoys a strong hold over Toulon, whose mayor has built up a power base that rivals that of the moderate right before it fell in the mid-1990s. While avoiding scandal, he and his allies have attracted significant state funding. They have mounted public works projects and buttress their power at the departmental level with influence over the regional conurbation. The moderate right is also disciplined. The city is not a loser of globalization. Still, it faces other economic challenges. Further, local results from national (presidential and parliamentary) elections suggest the city’s far-right potential remains significant.

Les élections communales du 10 octobre 1976 : Analyse des résultats

Res Publica ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 427-443
Author(s):  
William Fraeys
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Great Stability ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Municipal Election ◽  
First Time ◽  
Political Character ◽  
Walloon Region

For the first time, the municipal election of 10 October 1976 was held in new units resulting from the merger of numerous boroughs («communes»). This is the reason why the political character of the poll became more outspoken.The results of the present election should be compared not only with the preceding municipal poll in 1970, but also with the result of the two parliamentary elections (1971 and 1974) which took place since then.This analyses leads us to the conclusion that in the Walloon region, «Rassemblement Wallon» suffered an important setback in comparison with 1974 for the benefit of Christian Democrats and to a lesser extentof the Socialist Party.In the Flemish region, a great stability may be noted with respect to the opinion expressed in 1974. At the utmost, a very slight Socialist loss may be observed as wel! as a Liberal quasi status quo and a moderate rise for the Christian Democrats.Although FDF's progress with respect to 1974 cannot be denied, its extent is not sufficient to bring this party back to its 1971 record level.  To conclude one might say that should the voters have voted in a similar way to elect a Parliament, the Chambers would not be much different from what they are now, but for a loss of seats for «Rassemblement Wallon» which would benefit to the Christian Democrats in the first place and to a lesser extent to the Socialists and PDF as well.

Spain's Democratic Transition—a Progress Report

Worldview ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (12) ◽  
pp. 44-48
Author(s):  
Benjamin Martin
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Progress Report ◽  
The Political ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
Break Up ◽  
Political Groups

To many Spaniards the country's journey back to democratic rule probably seems like a wild toboggan ride. The hectic succession of developments this year has done little to belie that impression.During December, 1978, Spain's post-Franco constitution was adopted and the parliamentary elections that took place within three months, on March 1, resulted in major changes in the political balance. Then, on April 3, came the first municipal elections Spain has held since the Thirties, producing unprecedented gains for the Left. By May what little political calm the country managed to preserve was diminished even further by the onset of a severe crisis within the Socialist Workers' party, the country's second most important political force. The midyear negotiations between Prime Minister Adolfo Suarez and the major political groups did arrive at long last at an accord on autonomy status for the Basque and Catalonian regions, a development that served to break up a major political logjam.

The Politics of Demobilized Soldiers from Liberation to Cultural Revolution

1980 ◽  
Vol 82 ◽  
pp. 181-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon White
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Vietnam Veterans ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Group ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Demobilized Soldiers ◽  
The Right

Demobilized soldiers have been widely regarded, by political analysts and politicians alike, as a distinctive political group of considerable importance. Politicians in a number of countries have been acutely aware of the ambiguous potential of ex-soldiers and have striven to mobilize them under their own colours. In several western countries, notably the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia, veterans' organizations have often been a powerful bulwark of conservatism, advocating the virile values of patriotism, sanctifying the status quo and supporting the political forces of the right. During the Vietnam War, on the other hand, the anti-war movement in the United States realized the political potential of Vietnam veterans and effectively mobilized a section of them in opposition to official war policy.

scholarly journals Powerful posters

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-124
Author(s):  
Maiken Ana Kores
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
The Political ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Multimodal Analysis ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Political Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Spectrum

Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties’ political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties’ choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes.

Political news in search engines

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guillén Torres ◽  
Richard Rogers
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Search Engine ◽  
Search Engines ◽  
The Political ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political News ◽  
Run Up ◽  
Political Spectrum

The research enquires into the susceptibility of Google’s search engine to provide users with questionable information when querying political parties and their issues during the run-up to the Dutch provincial and European parliamentary elections. Which rankings has the search engine assigned to problematic sources when querying political parties and their issues? Are there particular political issues and party spaces where these sources are prevalent or entirely absent? Do the ranks and amounts increase as the elections draw near? In all, it was found that hyperpartisan sources are rather pervasive in the search-demarcated political space, but far more so for certain actors and their issues on the far right of the political spectrum.

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