scholarly journals Age, gender, and health status affect Coronavirus concern, prevention behaviors, and willingness to return to behaviors when safe, but so does political party: Results of a large longitudinal cross-sectional survey (Preprint)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arash Naeim ◽  
Ryan Baxter-King ◽  
Neil Wenger ◽  
Annette L. Stanton ◽  
Karen Sepucha ◽  
...  

BACKGROUND With conflicting information about COVID-19, the general public may be uncertain about how to proceed in terms of precautionary behavior and decisions about whether to return to activity. OBJECTIVE To determine the factors associated with COVID-19 concern, precautionary behaviors, and willingness to return to activity. METHODS National survey data come from The Democracy Fund + UCLA Nationscape Project, an ongoing cross-sectional weekly survey. The sample was provided by Lucid, a market research online platform. Three outcomes were considered: (1) COVID-19 concern [C], (2) precautionary behaviors [P], and (3) willingness to return to activity [R]. Key independent variables included: age, gender, race/ethnicity, education, household income, political party identification, religion, news consumption, nu RESULTS The data include 125,508 online surveys conducted over 20 consecutive weeks (roughly 6,250 adults per week) between March 19 and August 5, 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic, approved by the UCLA IRB for analysis. A substantial number of people would not be willing to return to activity. Weighted multivariate logistic regressions indicated the following groups had different outcomes (all P < .0001): aged 65+ (OR 2.05[C], CI [1.93, 2.18] , OR 2.38[P] CI [2.02, 2.80] I, OR 0.41[R] CI [0.37-0.46], vs. 18-40); men (OR 0.73[C] CI [0.70, 0.75], OR 0.74[P] CI [0.67, 0.81], OR 2.00[R] CI [1.88-2.12] , vs. women); taking 4 or more medications (OR 1.47[C] CI [1.40, 1.54], OR 1.36[P] CI [1.20, 1.555], OR 0.75[R] CI [0.69-0.81], vs. < 3 medications); Republicans (OR 0.40[C] CI [0.38, 0.42], OR 0.45[P] CI [0.40, 0.50], OR 2.22[R] CI [2.09-2.36], vs. Democrats); and adults who reported having COVID-19 (OR. 1.24[C] CI [1.12, 1.39] OR 0.65[P], CI [0.52, 0.81]; OR 3.99[R] CI [3.48-4.58], vs. those that did not). CONCLUSIONS Participants’ age, party affiliation, and perceived COVID-19 status were highly associated with COVID-related concern, precautionary behaviors, and return to activity. Future studies need to develop and test targeted messaging approaches, taking account of political partisanship, to encourage preventative and return to activities behaviors. CLINICALTRIAL

2020 ◽  
Vol 01 (02) ◽  
pp. 212-220
Author(s):  
Shahid Ullah ◽  
Asghar Ullah Khan ◽  
Muhammad Imran Khan

The research study was conducted to examine favorite political party and the people’s perception about outcomes of general elections 2018. Researcher drawn 400 sample from population of district Dera Ismail Khan using non-probability sampling technique through Curry & Dr. John in 2007 method for sample selection. The researcher used the convenient sampling techniques for the data collections. The study adopted the cross-sectional survey research method with closed-ended questionnaire for measuring concept. The results revealed that there is significant relationship between favorite political party and public perceptions about current government. The study is expected to provide suitable contribution to existing database of knowledge about the issues under considerations in this research. Study is also expected to offer valuable recommendation as extracted from the results of the current study for the general public and policy makers.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel M. Butler ◽  
Christopher F. Karpowitz ◽  
Jeremy C. Pope

This article considers the hypothesis that the positive actions taken by members of Congress (MCs) influence citizens’ evaluations of them, their party, and Congress as an institution. We begin with a look at the available cross-sectional survey data on contact with legislators and legislator and institutional approval. Their legislative responsiveness appears to have a small spillover effect on institutions. However, when we employ a unique panel design that controls for prior levels of opinion and avoids recall bias, we find no evidence of spillover effects. Overall, we find that constituents who received a response from their own MC evaluate that representative more positively than those who did not receive a response, but legislator responsiveness does not predict evaluations of the MC’s political party or the Congress.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630512110090
Author(s):  
Taberez Ahmed Neyazi ◽  
Antonis Kalogeropoulos ◽  
Rasmus K. Nielsen

The rise of misinformation often circulated in various social media platforms has not only raised concerns among the policymakers and civil society groups, but also among citizens. Drawing upon a cross-sectional survey ( n = 1,013) among English-language internet users in India, this paper tries to identify factors that affect concerns for online misinformation among citizens and how online news participation is affected by the rise of misinformation. After controlling for gender, age, education and income, we found that WhatsApp use, party identification and trust in news are positively associated with the concern for misinformation. Similarly, partisans are more likely to engage with news online. While Facebook and Twitter use are positively associated with online news sharing, the use of WhatsApp is not significant. The empirical evidence adds new insights to the literature on misinformation and online news engagement from the world’s largest democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 376 (1822) ◽  
pp. 20200138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingrid J. Haas ◽  
Melissa N. Baker ◽  
Frank J. Gonzalez

Uncertainty has been shown to impact political evaluation, yet the exact mechanisms by which uncertainty affects the minds of citizens remain unclear. This experiment examines the neural underpinnings of uncertainty in political evaluation using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). During fMRI, participants completed an experimental task where they evaluated policy positions attributed to hypothetical political candidates. Policy positions were either congruent or incongruent with candidates' political party affiliation and presented with varying levels of certainty. Neural activity was modelled as a function of uncertainty and incongruence. Analyses suggest that neural activity in brain regions previously implicated in affective and evaluative processing (anterior cingulate cortex, insular cortex) differed as a function of the interaction between uncertainty and incongruence, such that activation in these areas was greatest when information was both certain and incongruent, and uncertainty influenced processing differently as a function of the valence of the attached information. These findings suggest that individuals are attuned to uncertainty in the stated issue positions of politicians, and that the neural processing of this uncertainty is dependent on congruence of these positions with expectations based on political party identification. Implications for the study of emotion and politics and political cognition are discussed. This article is part of the theme issue ‘The political brain: neurocognitive and computational mechanisms’.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingrid Johnsen Haas ◽  
Melissa Baker ◽  
Frank Gonzalez

Uncertainty has been shown to impact political evaluation, yet the exact mechanisms by which uncertainty affects the minds of citizens remain unclear. This experiment examines the neural underpinnings of uncertainty in political evaluation using functional MRI (fMRI). During fMRI, participants completed an experimental task where they evaluated policy positions attributed to hypothetical political candidates. Policy positions were either congruent or incongruent with candidates’ political party affiliation and presented with varying levels of certainty. Neural activity was modeled as a function of uncertainty and incongruence. Analyses suggest that neural activity in brain regions previously implicated in affective and evaluative processing (anterior cingulate cortex, insular cortex) differed as a function of the interaction between uncertainty and incongruence, such that activation in these areas was greatest when information was both certain and incongruent and uncertainty influenced processing differently as a function of the valence of the attached information. These findings suggest that individuals are attuned to uncertainty in the stated issue positions of politicians, and that the neural processing of this uncertainty is dependent on congruence of these positions with expectations based on political party identification. Implications for the study of emotion and politics and political cognition are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Afizu Alhassan ◽  
Mate Siakwa ◽  
Akwasi Kumi-Kyereme ◽  
Michael Wombeogo

All aspects of nursing practice are regulated by politics and affected by changes in public policy. For that reason, nurses need to be active in the political process through which they may influence public policies on health. However, nurses’ participation in political activities in many countries is either low or moderate at best. Studies that explore political participation among nurses are rare in Africa. We conducted this study to identify factors that may enhance or hinder nurses’ political participation. Through a cross-sectional survey, we collected data from 225 registered nurses sampled from three hospitals and two nursing training schools in Tamale, Ghana, using a structured questionnaire. We analyzed the data using descriptive statistics and correlations. The most frequently reported barriers to political participation were having little free time, lack of trust in politicians, fear of conflict/confrontation, lack of educational preparation, and lack of access to the right connections. The major facilitators of political participation were identified as availability of free time and money, civic skills, personal interest in politics, self-belief and confidence, and a strong party affiliation. These findings call for integration of political content into the nursing education curriculum and for professional nursing organizations to create opportunities for their members to learn about the political process.


Author(s):  
Ali S. Raja ◽  
Joshua D. Niforatos ◽  
Nancy Anaya ◽  
Joseph Graterol ◽  
Robert M. Rodriguez

AbstractImportanceAlthough widespread vaccination will be the most important cornerstone of the public health response to the COVID-19 pandemic, a critical question remains as to how much of the United States population will accept it.ObjectiveDetermine: 1) rate of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy in the United States public, 2) patient characteristics associated with hesitancy, 3) reasons for hesitancy, 4) healthcare sites where vaccine acceptors would prefer to be vaccinated.Design43-question cross-sectional survey conducted November 17-18, 2020, distributed on Amazon Mechanical Turk, an online labor marketplace where individuals receive a nominal fee (here, $1.80) for anonymously completing tasks.Eligible ParticipantsUnited States residents 18-88 years of age, excluding healthcare workers. A total 1,756 volunteer respondents completed the survey (median age 38 years, 53% female).Main Outcome MeasureMultivariable logistic regression modeled the primary outcome of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy (defined as non-acceptance or being unsure about acceptance of the COVID-19 vaccine) with respondent characteristics.ResultsA total 663 respondents (37.8%) were COVID-19 vaccine hesitant (374 [21.3%] non-acceptors and 289 [16.5%] unsure about accepting). Vaccine hesitancy was associated with not receiving influenza vaccination in the past 5 years (odds ratio [OR] 4.07, 95% confidence interval [CI] 3.26-5.07, p<0.01), female gender (OR 2.12, 95%CI 1.70-2.65, p<0.01), Black race (OR 1.54, 95%CI 1.05-2.26, p=0.03), having a high school education or less (OR 1.46, 95%CI 1.03-2.07, p=0.03), and Republican party affiliation (OR 2.41, 95%CI 1.88-3.10, p<0.01). Primary reasons for hesitancy were concerns about side effects, need for more information, and doubts about vaccine efficacy. Preferred sites for vaccination for acceptors were primary doctors’ offices/clinics, pharmacies, and dedicated vaccination locations.ConclusionsIn this recent national survey, over one-third of respondents were COVID-19 vaccine hesitant. To increase vaccine acceptance, public health interventions should target vaccine hesitant populations with messaging that addresses their concerns about safety and efficacy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Murray ◽  
Colleen Loo-Gross ◽  
Mary Pham ◽  
Sonja Armbruster ◽  
Kelly Konda ◽  
...  

BACKGROUND: This study sought to ascertain the opinions of members of the Kansas Legislature regarding pending sugar-sweetened beverage taxation legislation, including perceptions that such a tax would generate revenue or be associated with personal sugar-sweetened beverage consumption habits. METHODS: This study utilized a cross-sectional survey design and was conducted by administering an electronic or telephone survey of the 2010-2011 Kansas Legislature. Publicly-listed contact information for the 165 members in both chambers of the 2010-2011 Kansas Legislature was obtained. State legislators were invited via e-mail, telephone, or both to complete the survey. The main outcome measure was the degree of agreement or disagreement with the idea of sugar-sweetened beverage taxation. RESULTS: Seventy-eight legislators (47.3%) responded. Of these, 90.5% disagreed or strongly disagreed with taxation of sugar-sweetened beverages, and 86.5% disagreed or strongly disagreed with taxation of sugar-sweetened beverages if generated funds were set aside to subsidize healthy choices. Party affiliation, geographic area represented, and personal consumption of sugar-sweetened behaviors were not associated significantly with legislators’ opinions of sugar-sweetened beverage taxation. CONCLUSIONS: The majority of respondents in the Kansas Legislature reported opposing a sugar-sweetened beverage tax. While some respondents identified obesity as a problem, taxation of sugar-sweetened beverages was not a favorable option among Kansas legislators.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher E. Beaudoin ◽  
Traci Hong

BACKGROUND COVID-19 preventive perceptions and behaviors, especially among U.S. Millennials, are an important means by which the pandemic can be slowed and negative health outcomes can be averted. OBJECTIVE This manuscript aims to advance knowledge on COVID-19 preventive perceptions and behaviors and their main predictors, including digital health information seeking behavior (HISB), political party identification, and COVID-19 testing status. METHODS Two cross-sectional online surveys of U.S. Millennials were conducted from April 10-14, 2020 (N=274) and April 27-May 7, 2020 (N=1,037). Regression analyses predicted five dependent variables (i.e., preventive behaviors and perceptions of severity, susceptibility, self-efficacy, and response efficacy), with independent variables including digital HISB for self, digital HISB for another person, political party identification, and COVID-19 testing status. RESULTS Millennials reported lower levels of perceived susceptibility than the other three preventive perceptions (i.e., severity, self-efficacy, response efficacy), as well as fairly high levels of preventive behaviors. Unlike HISB for another person, digital HISB for self was positively associated with the preventive perceptions and behaviors. Respondents who reported being more Republican tended to have lower levels of preventive perceptions, but not lower levels of preventive behaviors. COVID-19 testing status had only two significant effects on the preventive perceptions and behaviors. CONCLUSIONS As the largest and most digitally-savvy generation, Millennials saw COVID-19 as a severe threat, but one that they were less susceptible to. For the Millennial generation, which grew up with the Internet, digital HISB is critical to the development of preventive perceptions and behaviors. These findings have implications for theory, policy, and practical intervention.


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