Candidate Choice in Political Advertising: What Determines Who Gets Attention?

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonas Lefevere ◽  
Régis Dandoy

In the run up to the elections, parties have several ways of communicating with voters. In this article, we focus on one piece of the puzzle: advertisements of political parties in the mass media. More specifically, we are interested in the choice of candidates within these advertisements. In countries where parties are the dominant actor, they are faced with a choice: not all candidates can be promoted in the campaign, as this would be too costly and inefficient. Thus, the first question we want to answer is which factors determine candidate choice in political advertisements? Secondly, does candidate choice in political advertisements have an effect on the subsequent coverage in media as well? Agenda setting research has shown that as far as issues are concerned, advertisements do set the media agenda. We use a content analysis of seven magazines and newspapers that was collected in the run up to the 2009 regional elections in Flanders, the largest region of Belgium. The results indicate that both internal party hierarchy, as well as external visibility of candidates determines candidate choice in political advertisements. Furthermore, the agenda setting effect of political advertisements is confirmed as well.

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 593-615 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Guinaudeau ◽  
Anna M Palau

This article argues that external factors of EU coverage in the media need to be reassessed against domestic factors, in particular how parties modulate media attention to EU affairs. We explain which parties may set the EU on the media agenda, and how parties interact with events depending on the level of conflict over EU issues. Drawing on the first long-term analysis of partisan agenda-setting of EU affairs in the media – based on ARIMA time-series models of monthly data collected for six newspapers from 1990 to 2015 – we determine the scale of partisan agenda-setting and find partial support for our model. Political parties do not face the intrusion of EU issues, but some of them are actively involved in this process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-42
Author(s):  
Ana Maria Belchior

Abstract Why do parties pay more attention to some policy issues than to others? To what extent does policy attention conveyed by the media, public opinion, and parliament explain party agenda-setting? And, more specifically, to what extent does the media agenda influence other agenda effects? This paper addresses these questions in an original manner by analyzing the influence of these three agendas – media, public opinion, and parliament – in party manifesto elaboration. The analysis relies on an extensive database of the Portuguese Policy Agendas Project that includes media attention, voter preferences, parliamentary questions and pledges in manifestos, between 1995 and 2015. Our findings show that the media agenda is the most influential in party manifesto elaboration, and that the other agendas have a stronger effect when the media also give attention to the issue. This depends, however, on the political party being in cabinet or in opposition, as well as on the economic context. These findings have important implications for party competition literature.


2021 ◽  
pp. 000276422110165
Author(s):  
Mafalda Eiró-Gomes ◽  
Ana Raposo

In September of 2017 during the Portuguese regional elections, the mass media began reporting an emergence of a populist movement or, at least, started to label one of the candidates as a populist leader. To understand this phenomenon and see if significant rhetorical aspects of populism were present in the candidate’s discourse as according to the media, we analyzed the four primary Portuguese newspapers. As a first, exploratory approach to the research question, we developed a quantitative content analysis. We found that the newspapers became resonance boxes, not only of this particular candidate but also from all Western society, underlining some of the main rhetorical aspects of the populist discourse used by the candidate.


1992 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter Ulrich

In the Fall 1988 issue of Informal Logic, John McMurtry suggests that the current mass communication system "obstructs and deforms our thinking and our reasoning by a general system of deception" (p. 133). This essay suggests that McMurtry's view of the mass media is inaccurate. The mass media needs to make choices about what material it includes; McMurtry's description of the media could be explained by a rational theory of media agenda setting. Finally. it is argued that critical thinkers need to go beyond the mass media to make decisions; the mass media should not be expected to provide all arguments and viewpoints.


2005 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-63
Author(s):  
Eunyi Kim

This study explores one of the recurrent questions in agenda-setting studies: who sets policy agendapolitical leaders or the media? A content analysis was conducted by coding the texts of six of President Clinton's State of the Union addresses and three networks' (ABC, CBS, and NBC) evening news broadcasts. The results do not provide strong evidence of a causal direction between the media agenda and president's agenda because both coefficients are statistically significant and similar in degree. This study suggests, however, there may be a variance among different media actors in their roles and involvement in the agenda-setting (building) process.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-168
Author(s):  
Christiany Juditha

The purpose of this study is to get an overview of the agenda-setting for the spread of hoax on social media. The method used is quantitative content analysis. The results found that there were three themes of the most prominent hoax issues, namely politics, health, and governance issues. In this case, the media setting agenda on hoax was formed by the users of social media itself. Hoax themes about politics such as Elections have increased in a certain period because social media users or netizens have relatively the same concentration and attention about it. There have also been attempts by certain parties to neutralize a theme hoax for a specific purpose, such as to overthrow each presidential candidate who is fighting in the Election process, including to topple incumbent presidential candidates who are still in power. Likewise, with a content hoax, the media agenda formed on social media represents the interests of netizens. Even in health hoax content that includes the most hoax content, the agenda of social media settings is built because netizens consider the content important to be immediately known by other audiences regardless of whether or not the content is true.


Author(s):  
Julia Partheymüller

It is widely believed that the news media have a strong influence on defining what are the most important problems facing the country during election campaigns. Yet, recent research has pointed to several factors that may limit the mass media’s agenda-setting power. Linking news media content to rolling cross-section survey data, the chapter examines the role of three such limiting factors in the context of the 2009 and the 2013 German federal elections: (1) rapid memory decay on the part of voters, (2) advertising by the political parties, and (3) the fragmentation of the media landscape. The results show that the mass media may serve as a powerful agenda setter, but also demonstrate that the media’s influence is strictly limited by voters’ cognitive capacities and the structure of the campaign information environment.


Author(s):  
Andrea Langbecker ◽  
Daniel Catalan-Matamoros

Sources of information are a key part of the news process as it guides certain topics, influencing the media agenda. The goal of this study is to examine the most frequent voices on vaccines in the Portuguese press. A total of 300 news items were analysed via content analysis using as sources two newspapers from 2012 to 2017. Of all the articles, 97.7% included a source (n = 670). The most frequent were “governmental organisations”, “professional associations” and the “media”. Less frequent sources were “university scientists”, “governmental scientific bodies”, “consumer groups”, “doctors”, “scientific companies”, “NGOs” and “scientific journals”. Most articles used only non-scientific sources (n = 156). A total of 94 articles used both categories and 43 used exclusively scientific sources. Our findings support the assertion that media can be an instrument to disseminate information on vaccines. Nevertheless, despite being present in most articles, the number of sources per article was low, therefore not presenting a diversity of opinions and there was a lack of scientific voices, thus suggesting lower quality of the information being offered to the audience.


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