scholarly journals La force de l’héritage. Sociologie du mouvement social des ex-braceros (Travailleurs agricoles mexicains 1942-1964) et ses enjeux

Revista Trace ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Philippe Schaffhauser
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
Farm Labor ◽  
World War ◽  
Gender History ◽  
Mouvements Sociaux ◽  
Social Struggle ◽  
Rural Context ◽  
Culture Politique

A lo largo de sus 20 años de existencia, de 1942 a 1964, el programa Bracero se tradujo en la firma de 4 646 199 contratos de trabajo e involucró a cerca de 1.5 millones de trabajadores; los que inicialmente fueron empleados en la construcción de vías férreas y en la agricultura, y después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, sólo en el sector agrícola. Este movimiento también es cuestión de generaciones y una historia de géneros. Dicha articulación hace de esta lucha social “un asunto de familia” que se desarrolla principalmente en el medio rural mexicano, cuyo vector principal de expresión es la comunidad a su alrededor. El tema del bracero refleja también la actualidad de la cultura política mexicana, ya que recoge experiencias colectivas e individuales heredadas de los movimientos sociales de la segunda mitad del siglo pasado.Abstract: Throughout 20 years, from 1942 to 1964, the Mexican Farm Labor Program represented the signature of about 4 464 199 contracts for 1.5 million of workers who were initially employed in the construction of railways and in agriculture and after the World War II only in the agricultural sector. This movement is also a question of generations and of gender history. This articulation makes this social struggle «a family affair» that is taking place principally in the mexican rural context for what the main expression vector is the community and its surrounding area. The theme bracero also reflects today « mexican political culture » because it includes collective and individual experiences of social movements inherited from the second half of the last century.Résumé : Au cours de ses vingt-deux ans d’existence, de 1942 à 1964, le programme Bracero s’est traduit par la signature de 4 646 199 contrats de travail pour environ 1.5 million de travailleurs. Ceux-ci furent d’abord employés pour la construction des chemins de fer et pour l’agriculture puis, après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, seulement pour l’agriculture. Ce mouvement est aussi une question de générations et d’histoire du genre. Cette articulation fait de cette lutte sociale « une affaire de famille » qui se déroule principalement dans le milieu rural mexicain dont le vecteur d’expression principal est la communauté et ses environs. Le sujet bracero reflète aussi ce qu’on le pourrait appeler l’actualité de la « culture politique mexicaine » issue des expériences collectives et individuelles héritées des mouvements sociaux de la seconde moitié du siècle dernier.

“Fire by Night, Cloud by Day”: Exile and Refuge in Postwar London

2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Susan Pennybacker
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
South African ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
World War ◽  
The South ◽  
Group A ◽  
Monitoring Group ◽  
Ruth First ◽  
New Treatments

AbstractSusan Pennybacker's presidential plenary to the 2017 North American Conference on British Studies in Denver, Colorado, explores the lives of four of the subjects of her book (in progress) of the same title. It identifies the kinds of archival and ethnographic sources that allow new treatments of the exile, émigré, and expatriate communities of London after the close of World War II and of those who contributed in various ways to the ethos of metropolitan political culture in the “late empire” and Cold War era. The essay focuses on the South African Ruth First, the Indian diplomat Mrs. Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit, the Indian academician Achin Vanaik, and the South Asian Londoner Suresh Grover, a member of the Monitoring Group, a legal assistance and anti-discrimination organization in the capital. It suggests the importance of scholarship that reckons with known and notable activist persons who led and represented many others in their challenges to global politics from a base in the “mammoth crossroads, the secure and unsafe haven that is London.”

What Remains? The Political Culture of an Unlucky Birth

2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 26-42
Author(s):  
A. James McAdams
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Special Treatment ◽  
World War ◽  
Soviet Occupation ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Wrong Place

The future political culture of eastern Germany and, with it, the relationshipbetween unified Germany’s once divided populations willdepend heavily upon how all Germans respond to a distinctive factabout the east. The region experienced not one but, counting theGerman Democratic Republic (GDR), two separate eras of dictatorship.This fact can be, and has been, understood in two differentways, with significantly different implications in each case. The firstis the perspective of the victim. According to this view, the citizens ofthe GDR uniquely had to shoulder the burden of having been born,in effect, “in the wrong place.” Not only did they endure greaterhardships than their western counterparts, such as the rebuilding ofGermany after World War II, but they suffered by themselvesthrough the debilitating consequences of Soviet occupation and theirinability, until 1990, to act upon the right to “free self-determination”(to quote the original preamble of the Basic Law). As a result, accordingto this argument, easterners were owed special treatment afterunification because of their distinctive misfortunes.

Evolution and Normalization: Historical Consciousness in Germany

2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 35-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Philipp Lutz
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Historical Consciousness ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Strong Continuity ◽  
World War ◽  
Historical Knowledge ◽  
East And West Germany ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
Nazi Era

German political culture has been undergoing gradual but significant changes since unification. Military engagements in combat missions, the introduction of a professional army, and a remarkable loss of recent historical knowledge mostly within the younger generations are hallmarks of the new millennium. Extensive education about the Holocaust is still prevalent and there is a strong continuity of attitudes and orientations toward the Nazi era and the Holocaust reaching back to the 1980s. Nevertheless, a lack of knowledge about history-not only the World War II period, but also about East and West Germany-in the age group of people under thirty is staggering. The fading away of the generation of victims who are the last ones to tell the story of persecution during the Holocaust and a parallel rise of new actors and technologies, present challenges to the educational system and the current political culture of Germany.

Moralpolitik versus Moralpolitik: Recent Struggles over the Construction of Cultural Memory in Germany

2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 106-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Langenbacher
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Cultural Memory ◽  
World War ◽  
60Th Anniversary ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
Collective Memories ◽  
The Holocaust

Before the series of 60th anniversary commemorations of the end of the Holocaust, Nazism and World War II in 2005, the big development regarding German collective memories and political culture was the resurgence of memories of German suffering. Contrary to the opinions of prominent observers like W.G. Sebald, this memory, linked to events from the end and immediate aftermath of World War II, is not a repressed or only recently discovered trauma. Rather, the current discussions signal the return of a memory that was culturally hegemonic in the early postwar decades. Nevertheless, the circumstances surrounding this return differ significantly from the postwar situation in which this memory first flourished in three main ways. The altered environment greatly affects both the reception and potential institutionalization of such memory, which could lead to deep political cultural changes.

scholarly journals Political masculinities and Brexit

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Higgins
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
The European Union ◽  
World War ◽  
Cultural Discourses ◽  
British Experience ◽  
The Right

Abstract This article examines the discourses of masculinity to pervade debates on the United Kingdom’s exit from the European Union. The article outlines an association between excessive forms of masculinity and popular cultural discourses around conflict and war, constructing and reproducing a popular lexicon on the British experience of World War II in ways that are widely interpreted as symptomatic of a coarsening of political discussion. However, the article also emphasises the performative quality of these masculine discourses in line with the personalisation of politics, and stresses the scope for contestation and ridicule. The article thereby identifies the articulation of a performative masculinity with a nation-based politics of the right. While disputable and occasionally subject to derision, this produces a gendered component in any antagonistic turn in contemporary political culture.

Religion, Human Relations, and Union Avoidance in the 1950s: The Electrical Industry's Southern Strategy and Its Limits

2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 154-185
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Fones-Wolf ◽  
Ken Fones-Wolf
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Southern Baptist ◽  
Manufacturing Industry ◽  
Community Support ◽  
Personal Relationships ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Free Enterprise ◽  
Human Relations ◽  
World War

Historians have become increasingly aware of how religion dovetailed with businessmen's goals of promoting free-enterprise ideologies and creating an anti-statist and anti-union political culture. But business expected more from religion; many employers believed that emphasizing spirituality could help them win community support and worker loyalty and avoid unions. When the electrical manufacturing industry began to move South after World War II, key employers had already witnessed the role that religion played in helping defeat the CIO's Southern Organizing Campaign. However, they balked at borrowing the overtly racist and reactionary evangelicalism that southern employers had effectively used. Instead, they looked for a more moderate religious model that would blend with their growing interest in human relations. They found it in Reverend George Heaton, an ordained Southern Baptist minister who had begun counseling employers during the 1930s. Heaton emphasized the sacred imperative driving good human relations and rejected the “fetish” of collective bargaining that he believed robbed individual freedom and the personal relationships that created harmonious workplace communities. As GE, Westinghouse, Magnavox, and Singer moved to the South, they all hired Heaton to be “minister” to their employees. This strategy had its limits, however, as this article will demonstrate using case studies of organizing drives in Rome, Georgia, and Greeneville, Tennessee. Nevertheless, Heaton was an important and understudied bridge between earlier paternalistic uses of religion and more modern Christian human relations.

Post–World War II Tejano Farm Labor: A Remembrance

2020 ◽  
Vol 124 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-154
Author(s):  
Arnoldo De León
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Farm Labor ◽  
World War ◽  
Post World War Ii

scholarly journals PUNISHMENT FOR VOLKSDEICHE: THE FATE OF GERMAN WOMEN OF UKRAINE

2021 ◽  
pp. 26-30
Author(s):  
Kuzovova N.
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
German Population ◽  
World War ◽  
Gender History ◽  
Her Family ◽  
Happy Life ◽  
Nazi Ideology ◽  
The Status ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
Southern Ukraine

The purpose of the work. The article is devoted to the fate of Volksdeutsche women after the end of the Second World War. The focus is on the history of women in southern Ukraine, a region of Ukraine where a large part of the German population is under occupation. The historiography of the problem covers works that cover the issue of gender history in the context of the topic: Larysa Belkovets, Lyudmila Burgart, Andriy Kotlyarchuk, Maya Lutai, Olena Styazhkina and others. The sources of the study were the NKVD investigative cases against women who accepted German citizenship, eyewitness accounts, and statistics. Results and scientific novelty of the study. The circumstances and reasons why women chose the status of Volksdeutsche have been clarified. In particular, the study found that this was not always a voluntary or conscious choice: women in difficult life situations chose a survival strategy that they thought could be successful. Volksdeutsche status did not guarantee a happy life, adequate nutrition or normal living conditions for the woman and her family. He was entitled to minimal assistance, but imposed many responsibilities on the Volksdeutsche, forcing them to accept Nazi crimes against civilians and send their children to Hitler's or the German Girls' Union, where they were raised in the spirit of Nazi ideology. German women seldom took an active part in collaborationism: they seldom worked as translators, teachers for Volksdeutsche and Ukrainian schools that did not last long in the occupied territories. In the south of Ukraine, the Volksdeutsche also included ethnic Swedes – residents of the Swedish colony Staroshvedske. For the Germans of southern Ukraine in the status of Volksdeutsche, the war ended first with the forced evacuation to Germany by the Germans, and then by the forced repatriation of Soviet troops home. As a result, Volksdeutsche women were tried on charges of treason and aiding the Nazis. Women made up the majority of special settlers in Siberia, the Urals, and Kazakhstan. However, many Germans managed to avoid repatriation and remain in European countries forever without Soviet influence.Key words: local history, gender history, Volksdeutsche, World War II, NKVD. Мета роботи. Стаття присвячена долі жінок-фольксдойче після завершення Другої світової війни. В центрі уваги історії жінок Південної України, регіону України, на території якого значна частина німецького населення опинилась в окупації. Історіографія проблеми охоплює роботи, в яких висвітлюється питання гендерної історії в розрізі теми: Лариси Белковець, Людмили Бургарт, Андрія Котлярчука, Майї Лутай, Олени Стяжкіної та інших. Джерелами дослідження стали слідчі справи НКВС щодо жінок, котрі прийняли німецьке підданство, спогади очевидців, статистичні матеріали. Результати та наукова новизна дослідження. З’ясовані обставини та причини, чому жінки обирали статус фольксдойче. Зокрема в процесі дослідження з’ясовано, що це не завжди був добровільний чи усвідомлений вибір: жінки, що опинялись в складних життєвих ситуаціях, обирали стратегію виживання, яка на їхню думку могла стати успішною. Статус фольксдойче не гарантував щасливого життя, достатнього харчування чи нормальних умов проживання для жінки та її сім’ї. Він давав право на мінімальну допомогу, проте накладав на фольксдойче чимало обов’язків, змушував примирюватися із злочинами нацистів по відношенню до мирного населення та віддавати дітей в гітлерюнг чи до Союзу німецьких дівчат, де їх виховували у дусі нацистської ідеології. Німецькі жінки рідко брали активну участь у колабораціонізмі: вони зрідка працювали перекла-дачками, вчительками для фольксдойче та українських шкіл, що недовго існували на окупованій території. На Півдні України до фольксдойче зараховували також етнічних шведів – мешканців шведської колонії Старошведське. Для німців Півдня України в статусі фольксдойче війна завершилася спочатку примусовою евакуацією в Німеччину німцями, а потім примусо-вою репатріацією радянськими військами додому. В результаті на жінок-фольксдойче чекали суди із звинуваченнями у зраді та пособництві фашистам. Жінки становили більшість спецпоселенців в Сибіру, на Уралі та в Казахстані. Проте багатьом німкеням вдалось уникнути репатріації і назавжди залишитись у країнах Європи поза радянським впливом.Ключові слова: локальна історія, гендерна історія, фольксдойче, Друга світова війна, НКВС.

scholarly journals Deportacja w pamięci historycznej i praktykach kommemoracyjnych Karaczajów

2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-85
Author(s):  
Rustam Biegieułow
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
World War ◽  
Interethnic Relations ◽  
National Memory ◽  
History Of ◽  
Regional Authorities

This article deals with the problem of the collective memory of the Deportation of the Karachays. The repressions carried out by the Soviets in 1943 left a deep mark on the people’s consciousness. This study focuses on several aspects of popular beliefs about the deportation and its consequences.The author considers the main reasons for the eviction that have remained in the national memory. It is noted that they continue to have a certain influence not only on the regional political culture, the system of interethnic relations, but also on the organisation and conduct of research into the history of the Karachays during World War II. This article also describes the evolution of the ideological and practical approaches of the regional authorities to the coverage and interpretation of this problem after the repatriation of the Karachays. It also deals with the established forms of national memorial practices that help preserve the collective memory of the deportation, the time spent in places of settlement and repatriation.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document