The Aspects of the South Korean Society and Poetic Reactions to Them in the 1980’s - With a Focus on Lee Eun-Bong’s Collection of Poems A Good World

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 779-790
Author(s):  
Ae Song Back
2007 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Han Aera

AbstractThe recent stem cell scandal of fabrication of two papers published in Science by Dr. Hwang Woo Suk shocked the world and devastated the South Korean society. Investigations conducted by the South Korean government have revealed a variety of ethical and regulatory failures. In this paper, I first explain the South Korean regulatory background to research conducted on human subjects in general and on biotechnological research in particular, and then analyze the ethical and regulatory problems affecting the research for the two papers published in 2004 and 2005 by Dr. Hwang's team, respectively. These problems can be summarized as: 1) problems regarding egg donation (lack of informed consent and donation by vulnerable subjects), 2) ambiguous record-keeping of research funding, 3) insufficient reviews by the two local IRBs (an already established IRB and a newly established IRB, both deferred to the principal scientist's heavy-handed influence), 4) too close ties between the research team and government officials, and 5) the National Bioethics Committee's inertia and lack of impartiality.


Studia Humana ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 62-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Levi

Abstract This paper aims to explain the adaptation of North Korean elite defectors who fled from North Korea. Data used for the purpose of this article came from surveys of North Korean defectors conducted in the late 2000’s. Findings of the realized research indicate that the majority of senior defectors are experiencing less psychological and material issues when adjusting to society than regular North Korean defectors. The paper will proceed in three steps: explaining the notion of defectors, outlining their background, and focusing on their adaptation in South. Although defectors as a whole has emerged as of the most research group as a minority in South Korea, the so-called senior defectors have hardly been spotlighted. Basically North Korean senior defectors are supposed to strengthen the anti-Kim movement and legitimize the power of the South Korean government and the image of South Korea abroad. What has to be enlightened upon is the fact that North Korean senior defectors partially disagree with the integration policy of South Korean authorities. A major research question emerges: How are the experience of elite defectors localized in South Korea? How do their specific identities impact their opinion within the South Korean society? The aim of the article is also to categorize senior defectors and to provide in a single document a list of senior North Korea defectors based abroad. This kind of information is only available for Korean speaking readers. I wanted to make it accessible to the Englishspeaking community.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Vierthaler

Abstract The emergence of the South Korean New Right movement in the mid-2000s led to the questions of how to commemorate and evaluate the ROK state establishment in 1948, and when to precisely trace such a “foundation” (1919 or 1948?) to be vividly discussed in South Korean society. Was 1948 primarily a political division? Or was it a “foundation for success”? Following the 2008 Foundation Day Dispute, a significant number of scholarly works on the subject has been produced. This article analyses the conservative side of this discourse, approaching the foundation dispute as a conservative attempt to regain hegemony over South Korean Cultural memory in post-democratisation South Korea. Analysing New Right-authored historiography on the subject of “foundation,” the present study discloses how conservatives narrated the formative years of the South Korean state, arguing that merely dismissing the New Right as historical revisionists is too simple a conclusion. Rather, this article argues that struggles over Cultural memory are rooted in the ideological and institutional polarisation of South Korean intellectuals in contemporary South Korea. Furthermore, by contextualising the Foundation View against progressive historiography within South Korea as well as Cold War history in a global context, this study answers why the Foundation View ultimately failed to gain acceptance.


2012 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-63
Author(s):  
Won Jee Cho ◽  
Denise Lewis

This study explored multidimensional meanings related to “becoming old” for the young-old in South Korean society. Six persons aged 62 to 68 were interviewed in-depth. They chronologically, physically, and socially experienced the transition to old age at different times determined through “Hwan-Gap” (at age 60) and through current social policies that define entry into elderhood (at age 65). However, most did not psychologically accept their own aging as beginning at age 60 with “Hwan-Gap.” They reported that they were “forced” to become old at that time, even though they did not yet qualify for old age benefits provided by the South Korean government. In addition, they did not consider others’ perceptions of them as “old” as a psychological obstacle to defining themselves as young. Knowledge about young-old persons’ dissonance between their identities and sociopolitical views of entry into elderhood is important for understanding their experiences during the five-year gap between sociocultural entry into old age at age 60 and entry into the nationally defined elderhood at age 65.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 279
Author(s):  
Vinesha Anindita

This research attempts to analyze the wave of North Korean refugees toSouth Korea and how problems arise on the domestic political level to thesocietal level. Waves of refugees have occurred since the division of thetwo Koreas through the 38 parallel, which gave rise to defections fromNorth Korea. Meanwhile, South Korea is perceived as an ideal and safeplace to take shelter. This in turn raised numerous problems explicableby at least two theoretical frameworks, namely the world system theoryin explaining the desire to migrate, and the multiculturalist paradox,which explains the emergence of social and cultural frictions. Discourseon identity and social problems poses a challenge for the South Koreangovernment. On one hand, North Korean refugees can provide beneficialinformation for the government. On the other hand, two social problemsarise, namely the long-term problem for refugees in surviving the mentaland financial burdens, as well as the negative stigma and xenophobiaplaced by the South Korean society on the refugees. These are the reasonswhy integration remains difficult for refugees.


2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (5) ◽  
pp. 665-680
Author(s):  
Min-jung Kim ◽  
Min-joo Kim ◽  
Jyung-soo Kim ◽  
Joon-ho Kim

The purpose of this study is to critically examine how North Korean defectors adapt to South Korean society and how the South Korean government institutes policies to support their settlement in the perspective of social integration. In particular, economic and psychological support by the South Korean government will be analyzed among the current resettlement support policies. The aim of this study is also to suggest proper remedial actions for North Korean defectors based on empirical research on the actual conditions of North Korean defectors in South Korea.


1994 ◽  
Vol 53 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 111-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyu Ho Youm

The South Korean press is living through ‘a golden age’, largely because of the sweeping democratic reforms which started in mid-1987. But ‘all the news is not good’ so far as the adaption of the Korean press to a changing Korean society is concerned. In many ways, the international problems with the Korean press will turn out to be more intractable than the external ones. Press responsibility and ethics demand more sustained attention than ever from Korean journalists. The unethical ‘chonji’ (cash gifts) practices of many Korean journalists are beneath the dignity of the Korean press as a whole. Also, the ‘open market of ideas’ concept of press freedom in a democracy repudiates the modus operandi of the ‘kijadan’ (press club) system.


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