scholarly journals Peran Penjaga Perdamaian Wanita dalam Proses Bina-Damai: Studi Kasus Operasi Perdamaian Monusco

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Satwika Paramasatya

Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) is known as an instrument used by the United Nations to create peace in countries affected by conflict. Peacekeeping operations work as a mediator for the parties of the conflict and to ensure that violence no longer exists in the peace process. Once peace is achieved, peace operations are expected to remain involved in the peace building process. At first, men played a very dominant role in peacekeeping operations. Even so, women have been more involved in peace operations nowadays. It can be seen from the increasing number of female members of peacekeeping operations. This paper will discuss the role of women in contributing to the peace building process that occur in the MONUSCO operation in Congo. Congo was chosen because MONUSCO has the highest female members compared to other peacekeeping operations. The research was conducted by using explanatory method to analyze the role of women in peacekeeping operation using parameters such as the implementation of the mandate, the consistency of the implementation of Capstone Doctrine, DDR (Disarmament, demobilization, Reintegration), and CIMIC (Civil-Military Cooperation). The result indicated that women tend to have positive influences towards peace building process in peacekeeping operations judging from the fulfillment of the mandate and the implementation of programs that support the peacekeeping operation itself.

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (12) ◽  
pp. 224-235
Author(s):  
Dickson E. Ekpe

In 31 October, 2000, the United Nations Security Council adopted and signed SC Resolution 1325 on Women Peace and Security. Resolution 1325 recognizes that civilian, particularly women and children are the worst affected by conflict. Resolution 1325 call for women participation in conflict prevention and resolution initiative, the integration of gender perspective in peace building, peace keeping mission and the protection of women in regions of conflict. The resolution reaffirms the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peace keeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction; stressing the importance of equal participation in peace and security. In Africa, women participation in policy making, peace building and conflict resolution is still faced with setbacks despite the passing of the SCR 1325 two decades ago. Findings from this study has shown that, women have been subjected to domination by men as a result of persisting cultural stereotypes, abuse of religious and traditional practices, patriarchal societal structures in which economic, political and social power are dominated by men while women played the role of followers of male decision-makers.  The study identifies such challenges for a change or reforms them.  The paper reviewed  many of the extant studies on the role and potentials of women in peace building and conflict resolution. Analyzing those challenges inhibiting the participation of women in peace process. The paper adopted the qualitative approach whereby data collected from secondary sources were reviewed, explained and analyzed within the purview of the study. The paper conclude, the views that bringing women into the peace process, as participation of women makes it sustainable and reduces possibility of inadequate outcome or failure of the entire process,  may be an illusion. Unless the women are economically and politically empowered, as one of the outstanding equality of peace-makers or negotiators is the amount of political and economic influence they possessed. Only elite centric gender blind composition of negotiation and peace process team cannot ensure sustainable peace process as there could be no peace with one side so disadvantaged.  


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Dylan Page

<p>The potential role of women in conflict and post-conflict environments has been the subject of much debate in the field of peace and conflict studies. In 2000 the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325, which called for a greater involvement of women and acknowledgement of gender issues in conflict and post-conflict environments, and this has led to further discussion about what this might mean and how it might be implemented. Despite this women are continually under-represented in nearly all peace processes and there is no universally agreed upon way to ensure this situation does not come about. The barriers women face range from cultural to logistical and economic, and surmounting them can be hard to achieve.  One case where women have been involved at all levels in the peace process with substantial success is the Pacific island of Bougainville, where a conflict over mining issues and secession from Papua New Guinea was waged from 1988-1997. Women were active in attempts to bring all parties to negotiations during the conflict and have also been heavily involved in the continuing reconciliation and healing processes. For cultural reasons Bougainvillean women were well placed to perform the role of peace-builders but that is not to say that they did not face challenges and barriers to their involvement. This thesis examines the involvement of women in both the immediate peace negotiations and the longer-term aspects of the peace process in Bougainville in order explain how and why they enjoyed these successes and what lessons can be learnt from this case in regards to the potential roles of women in other post-conflict environments. Four factors will be identified as key to women's involvement in the peace process: the history of Bougainville up to and including the conflict; the grassroots mobilisation and organisation of women; the traditional cultural roles of women in Bougainville; and the identification of women with motherhood and its associated traits.  These factors indicate that the involvement of women in peace processes is highly context-specific and although there are policies which can be pursued to encourage their participation the potential barriers to this are imposing.</p>


Author(s):  
Higgins Dame Rosalyn, DBE, QC ◽  
Webb Philippa ◽  
Akande Dapo ◽  
Sivakumaran Sandesh ◽  
Sloan James

This chapter examines the UN’s peacekeeping operations. A peacekeeping operation may be defined as a UN-authorized, UN-led force made up of civilian and/or military personnel donated by states or seconded by the Secretariat, physically present in a country or countries with a view to facilitating the maintenance of peace, generally after a conflict has ceased. Many consider that for an operation to be peacekeeping, it must take place with the consent of the host state. However, this may or may not be a legal requirement, depending on the constitutional basis of the operation. The chapter discusses the fundamental characteristics of peacekeeping; categories of peacekeeping; legal basis for peacekeeping; peacekeeping and consent; peacekeeping and the use of force; peacekeeping and impartiality; functions of peacekeeping operations; UN Transitional Administrations; and the future of UN peacekeeping.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-104
Author(s):  
Frédéric Mégret

The overarching focus on the United Nations and its agents for human rights violations and abuses they may have committed, as well as the attention to troop contributing states and even ‘victims’, has broadly shifted attention away from the role of the host state in peace operation. This article seeks to unpack that omission and suggests that it is far more problematic than commonly thought, in particular because it tends to reproduce some of the problematic features of the political economy of peacekeeping that are the background of rights abuses in the first place. Instead, as part of a tradition of thinking of human rights in terms of sovereign protection, the article makes the case for taking much more seriously the role that the host state can and should have in order to address abuses by international organizations. It emphasises how international legal discourse has tended to ‘give up’ on the host state, but also how host states have themselves been problematically quiescent about violations occurring on their territory. This has forced victims to take the improbable route of seeking to hold the UN accountable directly, bereft of the sort of legal and political mediation which one would normally expect their sovereign to provide. The article contributes some thoughts as to why host states have not taken up their citizens’ cause more forcefully with the United Nations, including governmental weakness, a domestic culture of rights neglect, but also host state dependency on peace operations. The article then suggests some leads to rethink the role of the host state in such circumstances. It points out relevant avenues under international law as well as specifically under international human rights law, drawing on the literature developed to theorise the responsibilities of states in relation to private third-party non-state actors within their jurisdiction. It argues that there is no reason why the arguments developed with private actors, notably corporations, in mind could not be applied to public actors such as the UN. Finally, the article suggests some concrete ways in which the host state could more vigorously take up the cause of rights abuses against international organizations including by requiring the setting up of standing claims commissions or making more use of its consent to peace operations, as well as ways in which it could be forced to do so through domestic law recourses. The article concludes by suggesting that reinstating the host state within what should be its natural prerogatives will not only be a better way of dealing with UN abuses, but also more conducive to the goals of peacekeeping and state construction.


2020 ◽  
pp. 329-344
Author(s):  
Jennifer S. Easterday

This chapter discusses the interplay between inclusion and accountability, using the Colombian peace process as an example. The chapter examines how inclusive input into the peace process, including a referendum, can shape the nature of accountability in post-conflict situations. Drawing on the ‘peace before justice’ debate, the chapter asks whether extensive inclusion can be an impediment to peace, or a guarantor of just peace. It discusses the role of women in the negotiations and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace It concludes that peace processes should be inclusive and promote gender equality to support sustainable peace.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Masyrofah Masyrofah

Abstract: Peace Agreement Phenomena and Diplomatic Ties between Middle East Countries in Implementing Peace Process Regarding to Israeli-Palestinian Conflict after Palestine’s Independence. The full membership of Palestine in United Nations becomes a starting point of international recognition of Palestine’s Statehood. .Palestine has perceived its independence as “second round of independence” since its independence has been declared in 1988. Despite of Israeli’s settlement in West Bank and Jerusalem, Peace Process Agreement has been continuing. Middle East countries’ contribution has been so significant in terms of facilitating the agreement process. The recognition of Palestine’s statehood is hoped to put pressure on Israel to continue the talk on the agreement process and eventually stop the se settlement. At the end, the “two state solution” can be implemented.Key Words: Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement, the Role of Middle East, Two State Solutions Abstrak: Fakta Perjanjian Damai dan Hubungan Diplomatik Negara Timur Dalam Proses Perdamaian Konflik Israel-Palestina Pasca Kemerdekaan Palestina. Peningkatan status Palestina menjadi anggota penuh PBB menjadi titik penentu adanya dukungan internasional akan pengakuan Palestina sebagai negara berdaulat. Rakyat Palestina memaknai sebagai kemerdekaan Palestina jilid 2, karena kemerdekaannya telah dideklarasikan pada tahun 1988. Perundingan damai masih terus diupayakan oleh kedua belah pihak di tengah kemelut pembangunan pemukiman Yahudi di Tepi Barat dan Yerusalem. Peran negara Timur Tengah sangat besar dalam memfasilitasi proses perundingan. Harapan dari peningkatan status ini dapat menekan Israel agar melanjutkan perundingan dan menghentikan pembangunan pemukiman. Sehingga akhirnya dapat mewujudkan “two-states solution” (dua negara Palestina-Israel secara berdampingan). Kata Kunci : Perundingan damai Israel-Palestina, Peran Timur Tengah, Two States Solutions DOI: 10.15408/sjsbs.v2i1.2243 


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 254
Author(s):  
SÉRGIO LUIZ CRUZ AGUILAR

<p><strong>Resumo: </strong>O artigo apresenta as alterações nas operações de paz contemporâneas conduzidas pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e suas implicações para o Brasil. Baseada em bibliografia sobre o assunto e documentos das Nações Unidas o texto apresenta o apoio conceitual e jurídico para a implementação dessas operações e descreve a evolução dos mandatos e do uso da força pelo componente militar. Com base nas alterações recentes, o texto discorre sobre tendências na aprovação e condução das operações e suas implicações para os países contribuintes com tropa. </p><p><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Operações de Paz; Nações Unidas; Segurança Internacional.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Abstract: </strong>The article presents the changes in contemporary peacekeeping operations conducted by the United Nations (UN) in a historical perspective and its implications for the troops contributing countries. Based on literature of the subject and UN documents the text presents the conceptual and legal support for the implementation of these operations and describes the evolution of mandates and the use of force by the military component. Based on recent changes, we discuss trends in the approval and conduct of operations and their implications for the troops contributing countries.<strong></strong></p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Peace Operations; United Nations; International Security.


Asian Survey ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 52 (6) ◽  
pp. 1067-1088 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jörn Dosch

Abstract The aid dependence of Cambodian NGOs has resulted in a predominantly donor-driven peace-building process. Notwithstanding some crucial reconciliation initiatives that predate donor involvement and are rooted in local—often Buddhist—traditions, recent key initiatives in the area of transitional justice would not have happened without significant international funding and support.


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