scholarly journals Rentier state as an obstacle to development in the Middle East

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 20-29
Author(s):  
Andrzej Guzowski
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Arabian Peninsula ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Economic Structure ◽  
International Market ◽  
Rentier State ◽  
Rentier States ◽  
External Actors

Many Middle Eastern countries, especially the ones in Arabian Peninsula, are well-known for being rich with oil and gas. While it could be considered a blessing by many, it is becoming more and more apparent that the abundance of natural resources in the region is a double-edged sword and a form of a natural resource trap. Many countries have become so-called “rentier states”, funding their operations and their very structures by renting their resources to external actors. While it may seem like a profitable political move at first, said overreliance conserved the structure of economies in the Middle Eastern, never forcing the countries to develop effectively, thus making most of the produced goods, other than oil and gas, uncompetitive on the international market. Long term, it may prove disastrous for the Middle East as eventually the resources are going to get exhausted and said countries will be left with nothing but an economic structure unadjusted to the 21stcentury.

A Dictionary of Politics in the Middle East

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristian Coates Ulrichsen
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
International Relations ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Arabian Peninsula ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
State Theory ◽  
Rentier State ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Subject Areas ◽  
The Arab Spring

Over 300 entriesThis dictionary provides a useful overview of the wide array of political structures and systems that comprise the contemporary Middle East. From Turkey through Iraq and Iran, to the Arabian Peninsula and the states of North Africa, it includes up-to-date definitions of political organizations, key political figures, and important developments, as well as region-specific concepts such as Majlis, academic terms such as rentier state theory, and events such as the Arab Spring.It is an essential reference resource for students taking courses or modules in politics in the Middle East or broader subject areas such as politics, history, economics, and international relations with a specific focus on Middle Eastern politics.

5. Oil and Political Economy in the International Relations of the Middle East

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giacomo Luciani
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Rentier State ◽  
Eastern State ◽  
Used Oil ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Middle East Policy

This chapter examines the impact of oil and political economy on the international relations of the Middle East. It begins by discussing the relationship between oil and the consolidation and evolution of the modern Middle Eastern state system, noting that, while outside powers have invariably used oil in their calculations of Middle East policy, oil has figured less prominently in the foreign policies of Arab states. As regards domestic politics, the rentier state paradigm shows how oil has conditioned economic and political outcomes in both oil-rich and oil-poor states, slowing down the prospects for reform. The chapter proceeds by assessing the influence of oil on inter-Arab relations and concludes with some reflections on the regional and international environments as well as the political order in the Middle East.

scholarly journals Economic Diversification Potential in the Rentier States Towards for a Sustainable Development: A Theoretical Model

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 911 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdullah Kaya ◽  
Evren Tok ◽  
Muammer Koc ◽  
Toufic Mezher ◽  
I-Tsung Tsai
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Model ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Economic Value ◽  
Optimal Level ◽  
Domestic Economy ◽  
Rentier State ◽  
Economic Diversification ◽  
The Status ◽  
Rentier States

This paper develops a theoretical model to analyze whether a rentier state can diversify its economy away from the rent revenue and hence sustain the economic development and preserve the status-quo. Considering the decarbonization process of the global economy and rapidly fall in economic value of hydrocarbons in the face of the supply glut, rentier states depending on oil and gas revenues urgently need to diversify their economies to avoid social backlash and political upheaval. There are three intertwining factors that determine an effective economic diversification away from the rent revenue: The profitability of non-rentier sectors, the size of the domestic economy to induce a “Big Push” for industrialization to non-rentier sectors, and the level of economic inclusivity. For an optimal level of economic diversification in a rentier state: (1) Non-rentier sectors should be attractive to private agents without the entry barriers; (2) domestic economy should be large enough to induce investment into non-rentier sectors; (3) the ruler(s) should have sufficient tolerance (inclusivity) for private agents investing into non-rentier sectors. Our findings indicate that a rentier state can achieve an optimal level of economic diversification provided that the conditions above are met even without any political change.

scholarly journals ACTIVISM AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE MIDDLE EAST

2002 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asef Bayat
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Social Development ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Social Activism ◽  
Economic Restructuring ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
Rentier States ◽  
Middle Strata

This article is about social activism and its relationship to social development in the Middle East. It examines the myriad strategies that the region's urban grass-roots pursue to defend their rights and improve their lives in this neo-liberal age. Prior to the advent of the political–economic restructuring of the 1980s, most Middle Eastern countries were largely dominated by either nationalist-populist regimes (such as Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Sudan, Turkey) or pro-Western rentier states (Iran, Arab Gulf states). Financed by oil or remittances, these largely authoritarian states pursued state-led development strategies, attaining remarkable (21% average annual) growth rates.1 Income from oil offered the rentier states the possibility of providing social services to many of their citizens, and the ideologically driven populist states dispensed significant benefits in education, health, employment, housing, and the like.2 For these post-colonial regimes, such provision of social welfare was necessary to build popularity among the peasants, workers, and middle strata at a time that these states were struggling against both the colonial powers and old internal ruling classes. The state acted as the moving force of economic and social development on behalf of the populace.

scholarly journals City Branding, Sustainable Urban Development and the Rentier State. How Do Qatar, Abu Dhabi and Dubai Present Themselves in the Age of Post Oil and Global Warming?

Energies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (9) ◽  
pp. 1657 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin De Jong ◽  
Thomas Hoppe ◽  
Negar Noori
Keyword(s):  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Urban Expansion ◽  
Abu Dhabi ◽  
Sustainable Urban Development ◽  
City Branding ◽  
Rentier State ◽  
Urban Neighbourhoods ◽  
The One ◽  
Rentier States ◽  
Economic Zones

In the past three decades Qatar, Abu Dhabi and Dubai have realised a meteoric economic rise. Whereas the former two can be considered ‘rentier states’ heavily depending on oil (and gas) revenues, the latter only leans on oil for a mere 6% of its gross domestic product (GDP). Although the economic rise has brought considerable welfare, it has also led these emirates to attain the world’s highest per capita carbon footprint. To address this problem Qatar, Abu Dhabi and Dubai seem to have formulated policies with regard to sustainable urbanisation and adopted strong branding strategies to promote them internally and externally. In this paper we examine which steps have been taken to substantiate their claims to sustainable urbanisation, in branding as well as in actions taken towards implementation. We find that all three have been very active in branding their sustainable urbanisation policies, through visions and policy frameworks as well as prestigious development projects, but that the former is substantially more impressive than the latter. Results also show there is a difference between Abu Dhabi and Qatar on the one hand, and Dubai on the other. Dubai has large number of small ‘free economic zones’, academic institutions for developing a knowledge economy, and smart and/or sustainable urban neighbourhoods, while Qatar and Abu Dhabi have a small number of very large ones. From the three, it is currently Dubai which has taken the lead in this development, largely completing its industrial transition with vast economic diversification and urban expansion. However, across the board this has had little effect on its ecological footprint.

For the Love of God: Care-giving in the Middle East

2010 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nefissa Naguib
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Charitable Giving ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Care Giving ◽  
Old City ◽  
Longue Duree ◽  
Longue Durée ◽  
Love Of God ◽  
The 1960S

AbstractIn Jerusalem in the 1960s two nuns belonging to the Polish Order of the Sisters of St. Elizabeth experienced a calling to help relieve the suffering among children living around the walls of the old city. With the help of a loan and a 'miracle' Sister Raphaela and Sister Kryspina managed to finance the building of an orphanage 'The Home of Peace' on Mount of Olives in Jerusalem. Today 'The Home of Peace' is managed by fifteen nuns who do the washing, cleaning, feeding, tutoring and caring for approximately thirty children, mostly girls, under the age of eighteen years. This paper sketches aspects of long-term daily charitable giving, rescue, protection, shelter and gestures of kindness which are forgotten aspects in Middle Eastern research. This is an attempt to get at the often neglected story of compassion and care-giving in the Middle East. À Jérusalem, pendant les années 60, deux sœurs de l'ordre polonais des Sœurs de St. Elisabeth ont ressenti la vocation de soulager la souffrance des enfants vivant en dehors des murs de la Ville Sainte. Avec l'aide d'un emprunt et grâce à un « miracle », Sœur Raphaela et Sœur Kryspina ont pu financier la construction d'un orphelinat sur le Mont des Oliviers à Jérusalem, le'Foyer de la paix'. Aujourd'hui le 'Foyer de la paix' est dirigée par 15 sœurs qui nourrissent, lavent, instruisent et prennent soin d'une trentaine d'enfants, pour la plupart des filles de moins de 18 ans. L'article se penche sur des questions souvent laissées de côté dans la recherche sur le Moyen Orient de nos jours telles que le don charitable au quotidien sur la longue durée, le secours, la protection, l'abri et les gestes de gentillesse. Ceci est une tentative d'aborder l'histoire souvent oubliée de la compassion et du soin au Moyen Orient.

Climate Change Communication in Middle East and Arab Countries

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikkel Fugl Eskjær
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Natural Resources ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Mitigation Strategies ◽  
Ecological Resilience ◽  
Climate Change Communication ◽  
Change Communication

In terms of climate change, Middle East and Arab countries cover a vast and diverse region with stark variations in natural resources, ecological footprints, and political priorities. It includes large oil and gas producing nations (the Gulf States) as well as resource-depleted countries (Jordan, Syria). Most countries rely on carbon energy, while a few have developed an alternative vision based on renewables (Morocco). It is home to both highly affluent countries (e.g., UAE) as well as poor and conflict-ridden societies (Iraq, the Levant, Yemen). Although the region as a whole is particularly vulnerable to climate change due to low levels of socio-ecological resilience, potential conflicts over natural resources (e.g., water), and almost chronic refugee and immigration crises, there are considerable differences in the region’s adaptive resources and mitigation strategies. This regional heterogeneity, however, is rarely reflected in the region’s climate change communication, which (with a few exceptions) tends to follow similar communicative patterns. Long-running social and religious conflicts in the Middle East have pushed climate change down the agenda of public opinion and news reporting in most Arab countries. Moreover, many Arab countries share a semi-authoritarian media system, which seems to exacerbate this tendency. In order to avoid crossing editorial redlines, climate change reporting is mostly copyedited from international news agencies. Local reporting is sparse as it may easily touch on sensitive issues concerning inadequate governance. Consequently, climate change has traditionally been covered as foreign news with a focus on international climate change negotiations—and hence limited relevance for a regional readership. However, new information technology and an increasing focus on raising awareness on climate change points toward alternative channels of climate change communication in Middle Eastern and Arab countries.

Europe-US divergence on Middle East could be long-term

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Us ◽  
International Attention ◽  
Defence Cooperation ◽  
Swift System ◽  
Uk Foreign Policy ◽  
Trump Administration

Subject European and Middle East priorities in the Middle East. Significance The US killing of Iran’s Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani on January 3 focused international attention on continuing tensions between Tehran and Washington and revealed deep and ongoing fractures in the transatlantic alliance. These strains were not caused by Soleimani's death; they stem from fundamental strategic differences on Middle Eastern policy priorities between the transactional Trump administration and a multilaterally oriented Europe. Impacts Trump’s re-election could further divide European from US interests in the Middle East. Europe’s main focus in the Middle East will continue to be security and controlling migration, with less concern for human rights. Future EU-UK foreign policy unity will hinge on safeguarding security and defence cooperation post-Brexit. European efforts to reduce dependence on the dollar as a reserve currency, such as creating an independent SWIFT system, will gain support.

Mexico's elusive foreign policy towards the Middle East: between indifference and engagement

2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-359
Author(s):  
Alejandra Galindo Marines
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Level ◽  
General Terms ◽  
State Of Affairs

Mexico's foreign policy towards the Middle East can be characterized in general terms as exhibiting a lack of interest towards the region. Here it is argued that this state of affairs has persisted not only because of the weight of its relationship to the United States, but also because the foreign policy displayed towards the region lacks a clearly delineated or permanent strategy that exhibits more conjectural interests than long-term goals. The analysis comprehends the background of Mexico's rapprochement to Middle Eastern countries in order to notice the shifts experienced in the last two administrations, which can tell if the challenges imposed at the domestic and international level can reshape Mexico relationship towards this region.

scholarly journals Inclusive security architecture in the Middle East: peculiarities of functioning and Prospects for expansion

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Danila Sergeevich Krylov
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Swot Analysis ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Security Architecture ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Creation

This article explores the prerequisites for the creation and peculiarities of functioning of the inclusive security architecture in the Middle East. This system of ensuring and maintaining peace was established by Russia, and currently includes two cross-regional Middle Eastern powers – Turkey and Iran. The author analyzes the potential of involving new actors — Saudi Arabia and Israel – into the functioning of the security architecture. The article employs the method of SWOT-analysis for determining the advantages and disadvantaged of the inclusive security architecture in the Middle East, as well as outlining the major threats and capabilities of the system. The novelty of this research lies in giving definition to the concept of “inclusive security architecture”; assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the inclusive security architecture created by Russia in the Middle East; outlining the major threats and vulnerabilities of the system, as well as the potential attraction of new actors therein. The author also highlights the peculiarities of the key five pairs of conflict relations in the Middle East (Saudi Arabia — Iran, Saudi Arabia – Turkey, Saudi Arabia – Israel, Israel – Iran, and Israel – Turkey), the nature of which Russia should take into account within the framework of long-term planning. The conclusion is made that in the future, the inclusive security architecture may become one of the key pillars of peace and security in the Middle East, and gradually mitigate the conflicts in this region.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document