scholarly journals ANALISIS KERJASAMA INDONESIA-ARAB SAUDI DALAM PENANGGULANGAN KEJAHATAN TERORISME

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Ahmad Zainal Mustofa

<p align="center"><strong><em>ABSTRACT</em></strong></p><p align="center"><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p><em>This article describes the diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Saudi Arabia in the security sector. The diplomacy in the security sector is in the form of a bilateral agreement between the two countries in tackling terrorism. This is because terrorism is a global crime that has become the world's attention. The method used in this research is descriptive analytical method. Then the theory used is the concept of national interest. This research was conducted to answer several problems, namely what is the foundation of Indonesia's foreign policy? Then how is the diplomacy between Indonesia and Saudi Arabia in tackling transnational crimes in the form of terrorism? The results of this research are that in implementing foreign policy, Indonesia has three bases as a reference. The foundation is an ideal basis, a constitutional basis and an operational basis. In the security sector, Indonesia and Saudi Arabia have collaborated in the handling of transnational crime, namely terrorism. With the agreement established between the two countries, it is hoped that both Indonesia and Saudi Arabia can carry out efforts to prevent and fight against terrorism effectively and efficiently.</em></p><p><em> </em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong><em> Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, Security, Terrorism.</em></p><p><em> </em></p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRAK</strong></p><p align="center"><strong> </strong></p><p>Artikel ini menjelaskan tentang hubungan diplomatik antara Indonesia dan Arab Saudi dalam bidang keamanan. Diplomasi dalam bidang keamanan ini ditandain dengan adanya kesepakatan antara dua negara dalam menanggulangi kejahatan terorisme. Hal ini dikarenakan terorisme merupakan kejahatan internasional yang menjadi atensi dunia global. Dalam penelitian ini, metode yang digunakan adalah desktiptif analitis. Adapun teori yang digunakan adalah konsep kepentingan nasional. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk menjawab pertanyaan tentang apa yang menjadi landasan kebijakan politik luar negeri Indonesia? kemudian bagaimana diplomasi antara Indonesia dam Arab Saaudi dalam mencegah kejahatan internasional dalam bidang terorisme? Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa dalam mengimplementasikan kebijakan luar negeri, Indonesia memiliki tiga landasan sebagai acuan. Landasan kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia yaitu landasan ideal, konstitusional dan operasional. Dalam bidang keamanan, Indonesia dan Arab Saudi bekerjasama untuk menanggulangi kejahatan transnasional, khususnya terorisme dengan adanya kesepakatan yang terjalin oleh kedua negara tersebut, diharapkan baik Indonesia dan Arab Saudi bisa melakukan upaya pencegahan dan perlawanan terhadap terorisme secara efektif dan efisien.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Kata Kunci: </strong>Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, Keamanan, Terorisme.</p><strong><br clear="all" /></strong>

Author(s):  
Mamadou Sanogo

Ivorian-Moroccan relations are not new because the diplomatic relations between the two countries have been established since August 16, 1962, but the interest of Morocco for Côte d'Ivoire has considerably strengthened during the royal visit of 19-21 March 2013 in Côte d'Ivoire, the first, since the beginning of his reign in 1999. Morocco is now refocusing its foreign policy on sub-Saharan Africa after the failure of Maghreb integration. This rapprochement resulted in Morocco's return to the African Union and its accession to ECOWAS.


2020 ◽  
pp. 74-86
Author(s):  
Alexandra Arkhangelskaya

The history of the formation of South Africa as a single state is closely intertwined with events of international scale, which have accordingly influenced the definition and development of the main characteristics of the foreign policy of the emerging state. The Anglo-Boer wars and a number of other political and economic events led to the creation of the Union of South Africa under the protectorate of the British Empire in 1910. The political and economic evolution of the Union of South Africa has some specific features arising from specific historical conditions. The colonization of South Africa took place primarily due to the relocation of Dutch and English people who were mainly engaged in business activities (trade, mining, agriculture, etc.). Connected by many economic and financial threads with the elite of the countries from which the settlers left, the local elite began to develop production in the region at an accelerated pace. South Africa’s favorable climate and natural resources have made it a hub for foreign and local capital throughout the African continent. The geostrategic position is of particular importance for foreign policy in South Africa, which in many ways predetermined a great interest and was one of the fundamental factors of international involvement in the development of the region. The role of Jan Smuts, who served as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 to 1924 and from 1939 to 1948, was particularly prominent in the implementation of the foreign and domestic policy of the Union of South Africa in the focus period of this study. The main purpose of this article is to study the process of forming the mechanisms of the foreign policy of the Union of South Africa and the development of its diplomatic network in the period from 1910 to 1948.


Author(s):  
Maksim Anisimov

Heinrich Gross was a diplomat of the Empress of Russia Elizabeth Petrovna, a foreigner on the Russian service who held some of the most important diplomatic posts of her reign. As the head of Russian diplomatic missions in European countries, he was an immediate participant in the rupture of both Franco-Russian and Russo-Prussian diplomatic relations and witnessed the beginning of the Seven Years&apos; War, while in the capital of Saxony, besieged by Prussian troops. After that H. Gross was one of the members of the collective leadership of the Russian Collegium of Foreign Affairs. So far there is only one biographic essay about him written in the 19th century. The aims of this article are threefold. Using both published foreign affairs-related documentation and diplomatic documents stored in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, it attempts to systematize the materials of the biography of this important participant in international events. It also seeks to assess his professional qualities and get valuable insight into his role both in the major events of European politics and in the implementation of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire in the mid-18th century. Moreover, the account of the diplomatic career of H. Gross presented in this essay aims to generate genuine interest among researchers in the personality and professional activities of one of the most brilliant Russian diplomats of the Enlightenment Era.


1999 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miroslav Nincic

This article discusses possible interpretations of the concept of national interest, with a view to providing a conception more analytically useful than those that have dominated the literature. It argues against the two most prevalent approaches. The first, most obviously represented by political realism, relies on a single overarching assumption that both encompasses the national interest and provides a standard for assessing how successfully it is pursued. The second, identifies a finite set of national objectives which, by possessing a large measure of the formal attributes by which the national interest is defined, are considered its proper subsets. While both approaches have their virtues, each is flawed as a method for establishing correspondence between policy and interest. The approach proposed here relies on a different principle altogether—the nature of the political procedure via which judgments about the link between foreign policy and national interest are made. The article argues that our ability to judge whether a policy does serve the national interest is intimately connected to how democratic the decision behind the policy is.


1998 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-49
Author(s):  
John Bendix ◽  
Niklaus Steiner

Although political asylum has been at the forefront of contemporaryGerman politics for over two decades, it has not been much discussedin political science. Studying asylum is important, however,because it challenges assertions in both comparative politics andinternational relations that national interest drives decision-making.Political parties use national interest arguments to justify claims thatonly their agenda is best for the country, and governments arguesimilarly when questions about corporatist bargaining practices arise.More theoretically, realists in international relations have positedthat because some values “are preferable to others … it is possible todiscover, cumulate, and objectify a single national interest.” Whileinitially associated with Hans Morgenthau’s equating of nationalinterest to power, particularly in foreign policy, this position hassince been extended to argue that states can be seen as unitary rationalactors who carefully calculate the costs of alternative courses ofaction in their efforts to maximize expected utility.


Author(s):  
Alexander Vinogradov

Introduction. The author examines the insufficiently studied period of diplomatic communicationsof the Moscow Tsardom and the Crimean Khanate after Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov’s enthronement, which led to establishing relatively peaceful mutual relations between them at the final stage of military and political confrontation of Russia with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Swedish Crown. Materials. The paper reveals the circumstances of establishing contractual relations between Moscow and Bakhchysarai on the basis of unpublished sources. The information from the columns of 1613–1614 about the stay of the embassy of A. Lodyzhensky and P. Danilov in the Crimea from autumn of 1613 to July 1614, the preparation and holding of the embassy congress and exchange of ambassadors at Livny in August 1614, the stay of the embassy of Prince G.K. Volkonsky and P. Ovdokimov in the Crimea in August 1614 – June 1615, the stay of Magmet Chelebi’s embassy in Moscow in September 1614 – March 1615 and, finally, the embassy exchange under Valuyki in July 1615 form a single set of documents that let us trace the course of diplomatic relations between the Moscow Tsardom and the Crimean Khanate in 1613–1615. The decisive stage in difficult and tense diplomatic negotiations of the parties in this period, in our opinion, is the stay of the embassy of Prince Grigory Konstantinovich Volkonsky and clerk Peter Ovdokimov in the Crimea. Results. This article shows the role of relations with the Crimea in general foreign policy of the government of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich and in the restoration of military and political control over the Lower Volga Region territory.


Author(s):  
K. Demberel ◽  

The article deals with the issue of Mongolia's foreign policy during the Cold War. This period is divided into two parts. The first period, 1945-1960s, is a period of conflict between two systems: socialism and capitalism. In this first period of the Cold War Mongolia managed to establish diplomatic relations with socialist countries of Eastern Europe, as the “system allowed”. The second period, from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s, is the period of the conflict of the socialist system, the period of the Soviet-Chinese confrontation. During this period Mongolia's foreign policy changed dramatically and focused on the Soviet Union. This was due to the Soviet investment «boom» that began in 1960s and the entry of Soviet troops on the territory of Mongolia in 1967. The Soviet military intervention into Mongolia was one of the main reasons for cooling the Soviet-Chinese relations. And military withdrawal contributed to the improvement of Soviet-Chinese relations until the mid-1980s and one of the conditions for improving relations with their neighbors. The internal systemic conflict had a serious impact on Mongolia's foreign policy over those years.


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