scholarly journals Embassy of Prince Grigory Konstantinovich Volkonsky to the Crimea in 1614–1615

Author(s):  
Alexander Vinogradov

Introduction. The author examines the insufficiently studied period of diplomatic communicationsof the Moscow Tsardom and the Crimean Khanate after Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov’s enthronement, which led to establishing relatively peaceful mutual relations between them at the final stage of military and political confrontation of Russia with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Swedish Crown. Materials. The paper reveals the circumstances of establishing contractual relations between Moscow and Bakhchysarai on the basis of unpublished sources. The information from the columns of 1613–1614 about the stay of the embassy of A. Lodyzhensky and P. Danilov in the Crimea from autumn of 1613 to July 1614, the preparation and holding of the embassy congress and exchange of ambassadors at Livny in August 1614, the stay of the embassy of Prince G.K. Volkonsky and P. Ovdokimov in the Crimea in August 1614 – June 1615, the stay of Magmet Chelebi’s embassy in Moscow in September 1614 – March 1615 and, finally, the embassy exchange under Valuyki in July 1615 form a single set of documents that let us trace the course of diplomatic relations between the Moscow Tsardom and the Crimean Khanate in 1613–1615. The decisive stage in difficult and tense diplomatic negotiations of the parties in this period, in our opinion, is the stay of the embassy of Prince Grigory Konstantinovich Volkonsky and clerk Peter Ovdokimov in the Crimea. Results. This article shows the role of relations with the Crimea in general foreign policy of the government of Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich and in the restoration of military and political control over the Lower Volga Region territory.

2019 ◽  
pp. 25-52
Author(s):  
Pavlo Hai-Nyzhnyk

The article describes the geopolitical position of the Ukrainian State since the proclamation of P. Skoropadsky as Hetman of all Ukraine until the ousting of the Hetmanate in 1918. It is noted that the beginning of this period is the end of the First World War. Germany, which was an ally of the Ukrainian State, provided its troops to protect it from the Bolsheviks, is defeated. In this regard, there were a number of challenges in the foreign policy of the Hetmanate. The Ukrainian State is forced to look for ways to establish ties with the Entente countries. The author states that first agreements were concluded with neutral states, though it was planned to establish diplomatic relations with the Entente countries. To implement this, reliance was placed on the Ukrainian Embassy in Berlin. However, later this process took place through the mediation of the French Consul E. Enno in the Romanian city of Iași. The author examines the role of I. Korostovets in the implementation of Ukrainian diplomacy. The article provides an insight into the events that took place within the country. There was a confrontation between representatives of different parties and members of the government. The question of the need to change the legal and state status of the country and its foreign policy orientation put the country and its political elite on the brink of a split. It is analyzed the real reasons for the publication of the letters of the Hetman and their impact on internal and external challenges. The author highlights the influence of the Directorate on the external relations of the country. Following its arrival in power, it became known that one of the main goals of the Directorate was to capture Kyiv as soon as possible for the final overthrow of the hetman’s power and proclamation of the UPR with the Directorate at its head before the entire world. Keywords: Hetmanate, Entente, Directorate, Ukrainian diplomacy, Ukrainian statehood, confrontation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 74-86
Author(s):  
Alexandra Arkhangelskaya

The history of the formation of South Africa as a single state is closely intertwined with events of international scale, which have accordingly influenced the definition and development of the main characteristics of the foreign policy of the emerging state. The Anglo-Boer wars and a number of other political and economic events led to the creation of the Union of South Africa under the protectorate of the British Empire in 1910. The political and economic evolution of the Union of South Africa has some specific features arising from specific historical conditions. The colonization of South Africa took place primarily due to the relocation of Dutch and English people who were mainly engaged in business activities (trade, mining, agriculture, etc.). Connected by many economic and financial threads with the elite of the countries from which the settlers left, the local elite began to develop production in the region at an accelerated pace. South Africa’s favorable climate and natural resources have made it a hub for foreign and local capital throughout the African continent. The geostrategic position is of particular importance for foreign policy in South Africa, which in many ways predetermined a great interest and was one of the fundamental factors of international involvement in the development of the region. The role of Jan Smuts, who served as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 to 1924 and from 1939 to 1948, was particularly prominent in the implementation of the foreign and domestic policy of the Union of South Africa in the focus period of this study. The main purpose of this article is to study the process of forming the mechanisms of the foreign policy of the Union of South Africa and the development of its diplomatic network in the period from 1910 to 1948.


2021 ◽  
pp. 84-97
Author(s):  
Tatyana Leonidovna Musatova

The article analyzes the impact of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic crisis on the foreign policy and diplomacy of states, including economic diplomacy. ED is interpreted as a multi-sided multi-faceted activity, an integral part of foreign policy aimed at protecting the national interests and economic security of the country. Given the interdepartmental nature of the ED, the presence of numerous actors and agents, not only state, but also public and business structures, political and foreign economic coordination on the part of the Foreign Ministries is of great importance, and this role of foreign policy departments is increasing during the pandemic crisis. The activity of the ED of Russia in 2020 was generally successful, among the main results: active participation of diplomats in the anti-epidemic work of the Government of the Russian Federation, including export flights, provision of emergency assistance by compatriots abroad, assistance to foreign countries; measures to promote the Russian vaccine in the world, establish its production abroad, and thus win new world markets for medicines; settlement of the pricing crisis on the world oil market with the leading role of Russia and Saudi Arabia; adjustment of double taxation agreements with a number of foreign countries, taking into account the domestic economic needs of the country; the growing experience of BRICS, this interstate association, which did not know the crisis, including its fight against epidemiological diseases, during the period of Russia’s presidency in the BRICS; further steps to deepen integration within the EAEU; Russia’s success in the eastern direction of foreign policy, in the development of trade exchanges and epidemiological cooperation with the ASEAN and APEC states. The new world crisis has become a catalyst for the convergence of ED methods with scientific and public diplomacy, with other diplomatic cultures that can be combined under the general name of civil diplomacy. Such a separation is required to protect the legacy of professional diplomacy, the popularity and use of which methods is growing significantly. ED, as an integral part of official diplomacy, is presented as a mediator between classical and civil diplomacy. It provides civil society with an example of the more rigorous, pragmatic, resultsoriented work that the current pandemic crisis requires.


1968 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rose Louise Greaves

The Anglo-Russian Convention, signed at St. Petersburg on 31 August 1907, contained provisions relating to Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet. The text of the agreement would seem to suggest that the matters adjusted were purely local in character—an arrangement arrived at between two countries settling problems in far-away frontier regions. But the Anglo-Russian Convention was of much greater significance. It represented a change not only in Anglo-Russian relations, but in Britain's fundamental European policy. It also meant that the role of the Government of India, which had often been a powerful factor in the determination of foreign policy in the nineteenth century, became less significant. It seems highly probable, too, that in the years when Sir Edward Grey was Foreign Secretary (December 1905 to December 1916—holding office for a longer consecutive period than any other Foreign Secretary in the nineteenth or twentieth centuries, the next being Castlereagh, 1812–22) the permanent staff of the Foreign Office exercised more influence and had a more decisive voice in the conduct of the country's foreign policy than they ever had before of have had since.


Author(s):  
Mumtazinur Mumtazinur

This paper moves from the welfare crisis that struck Rakhine Myanmar which has an impact on the difficulty of the flow of external refugees to various countries including Indonesia. Humanitarian assistance provided by the people of Aceh becomes important considering that many countries refuse to accept these Rohingya refugees. In addition, this paper attempts to review Aceh's assistance to Rohingya Refugees and its correlation to humanitarian diplomacy, the Government of Indonesia. This paper also describes the background of assistance provided by the people of Aceh for Rohingya refugees and the forms of assistance provided. The assistance provided by the Acehnese people to Rohingya refugees helped to influence diplomacy supported by the Indonesian government. The role of the Acehnese community in this context can be agreed upon as the responsible party given to Indonesia's ruling party at the regional and global level as a supporter of world peace. The Acehnese also positioned themselves as supporters of the peace who were ready to support Indonesia's foreign policy and who put forward diplomacy as a strategic step to create world peace.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 404-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Antonio Vieira ◽  
Helton Ricardo Ouriques

In this paper we examine the BRICS by focusing on one of its member states: Brazil. More specifically, we focus on the relationship between Brazilian foreign policy under President Lula (2003-2010), U.S. hegemonic decline, and the commodity boom that provided economic resources to sustain Brazil’s position in world politics. With the world financial crisis of 2008, Lula’s belle époque came to an end. Without the abundant resources of commodity exports, Lula’s successor, Dilma Rousseff, tried unsuccessfully to combat the economic slowdown by further strengthening the economic role of the state. With this expansionist economic policy, she was elected for a second term in office, but immediately embraced the previous orthodox economic policies, what coupled with lack of support from the Congress, threw the government into crisis. As a result, not only has the political economy of Brazil re-aligned with the interests of financial capital, but also its foreign policy has returned to its historical alignment with the United States. Our contention is that the BRICS will soon be of no relevance to Brazil.


Author(s):  
Anneleen Spiessens ◽  
Piet Van Poucke

Abstract In the build-up to the annexation of Crimea in 2014, Russia’s state-owned media pushed a nationalist-imperialist narrative according to which Crimea is ethnically and historically Russian, and should, therefore, return to the Russian Motherland. This article underscores the critical role of news translation in the debate around the status of Crimea and in the circulation of global news, more generally. It focuses on the Russian website InoSMI, a portal that monitors and translates foreign press, during the peak of the Crimea crisis. Our analysis reveals that Russian translations reframe Western reports in such a way as to over-emphasize ties between Russia and Crimea. Drawing on both ethnonationalist and imperialist narratives that capitalize on the place Crimea holds in Russian imagination, and exploiting old metaphors of brotherhood, InoSMI promotes specific definitions of Russian space and identity that legitimize an aggressive foreign policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Anwar Izz al-Din Thanon ◽  
Tareq Mohammed Tayeb Thahir Al-Kassar

The Palestinian cause are one of the most prominent Arab issues being considered the issue of Arab central, very attitudes international and regional issue interest prominently what these attitudes of the consequences of internal and external reality, the Arab and international levels, and has taken the Turkish position on the Palestinian issue forms and visions mixed since the founding of the Zionist entity and the proclamation of the his country was Turkey's positions and visions of the developments of the Arab _ Zionist varied by the effects of internal and external but marked bias to Israel embodies the recognition of Turkey this entity and conventions diverse held between the parties throughout the period that preceded the arrival of the AKP came to power, and after 2002 Turkey began after the arrival of the party Justice and a new development in its foreign policy and attitudes to-wards the issues of the region and tended to make efforts to play the role of political mediator in the Palestinian issue, as the Government of the Justice and Development itself in a difficult test with regard to its policy and its offi-cial position between the Palestinian issue and Developments.


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