scholarly journals Difference of Conventional Constructivism and Critical Constructivism Approach in International Relations Theory

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Dewi Setiyaningsih

<p><em>This paper argues that Constructivism as the approach in International Relations are still debat</em><em>ed</em><em>. The debate is on Conventional (modern) and Critical (post-modern) constructivsm. Although both are claimed as critical approach (s</em><em>imilar</em><em> in the</em><em>ir</em><em> epistemological aspect) and emerged in the same context and same culture of school in IR, they are different in adopting the methodological aspect. It may cause</em><em>d</em><em> by the constructivist itself grow along the growing of critical studies and the legacy of IR’s behavoralism</em><em> which</em><em> still remains dominantly</em><em>. Thus, it</em><em> makes one constructivist hold on to reflectivism too much and another constructivist engaged to positivism in order to prove that constructivism is scientific enough</em><em> </em><em>theoretically. Outlining the historical background both context and academic text, this paper analyze this issue in a path.</em></p>

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-300
Author(s):  
Leonardo Carvalho Leite Azeredo Bandarra

O campo da teoria das relações internacionais passa, atualmente, por processo de alargamento do seu escopo e de suas percepções da realidade. Um dos diversos fatores que têm contribuído para esse processo é o crescente interesse dos teóricos do Sul Global em tentar fazer com que suas vozes sejam ouvidas. Um exemplo desse processo são as Epistemologias Geoculturais, que tentam promover a compreensão das relações internacionais por meio do contexto histórico e da visão de mundo peculiar dos países do Sul Global. Instar a criação de um quadro inteligível das Epistemologias Geoculturais é o principal objetivo do livro Claiming the International, organizado pelos professores Arlene Tickner e David Blaney.ABSTRACTThe field of International Relations theory is currently experiencing a process of widening of its scope and of perceptions of reality. One of the sundry factors that have contributed to that process is the increasing interest of theorists from the Global South to attempt to make their voices heard. An example of this process is the Geocultural Epistemologies, which try to foster the understanding of International Relations through the historical background and peculiar world-view of the countries of the Global South. Providing an intelligible framework of the Geocultural Epistemologies is the main objective of the book Claiming the International, which was organised by professors Arlene Tickner and David Blaney.Palavras-chave: epistemologias geoculturais; teoria das Relações Internacionais; Sul GlobalKeywords:  geocultural epistemologies; theory of International Relations; Global South DOI: 10.12957/rmi.2015.17411 Recebido em 15 de Julho de 2015 / Received on July 15, 2015.Aceito em 20 de Dezembro de 2015 / Accepted December 20, 2015.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-100
Author(s):  
Arseniy D. Kumankov

The article considers the modern meaning of Kant’s doctrine of war. The author examines the context and content of the key provisions of Kant’s concept of perpetual peace. The author also reviews the ideological affinity between Kant and previous authors who proposed to build alliances of states as a means of preventing wars. It is noted that the French revolution and the wars caused by it, the peace treaty between France and Prussia served as the historical background for the conceptualization of Kant’s project. In the second half of the 20th century, there is a growing attention to Kant’s ethical and political philosophy. Theorists of a wide variety of political and ethical schools, (cosmopolitanism, internationalism, and liberalism) pay attention to Kant’s legacy and relate their own concepts to it. Kant’s idea of war is reconsidered by Michael Doyle, Jürgen Habermas, Ulrich Beck, Mary Kaldor, Brian Orend. Thus, Doyle tracks democratic peace theory back to Kant’s idea of the spread of republicanism. According to democratic peace theory, liberal democracies do not solve conflict among themselves by non-military methods. Habermas, Beck, Kaldor appreciate Kant as a key proponent of cosmopolitanism. For them, Kant’s project is important due to notion of supranational forms of cooperation. They share an understanding that peace will be promoted by an allied authority, which will be “governing without government” and will take responsibility for the functioning of the principles of pacification of international relations. Orend’s proves that Kant should be considered as a proponent of the just war theory. In addition, Orend develops a new area in just war theory – the concept of ius post bellum – and justifies regime change as the goal of just war.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (14) ◽  
Author(s):  
Renato Somberg Pfeffer (IBMEC/MG)

Desde a década de 1980, o campo teórico das Relações Internacionais tem passado por uma crise profunda. Na nova sociedade da informação marcada pela globalização, o conceito fundamental das teorias tradicionais – a soberania do Estado – é desafiado. Em diálogo com outras áreas das Ciências Sociais e da Filosofia, a teoria das Relações Internacionais busca, então, refundar sua identidade. Essa refundação tem passado por uma reflexão crítica acerca de sua história e uma reavaliação de seus pressupostos. A defesa da emancipação humana passa a ser o mote orientador dessa nova tendência entre os críticos reflexivistas. Esse artigo busca resgatar algumas influências de outros campos do saber que estão na origem ao pensamento reflexivista.


Author(s):  
Matthew Kroenig

This chapter provides a summary introduction to the book. It explains the central question the book addresses and why it is important. Namely, it asks why academic nuclear deterrence theory maintains that nuclear superiority does not matter, but policymakers often behave as if it does. It then provides a brief explanation of the answer to this question: the superiority-brinkmanship synthesis theory. It discusses the implications of the argument for international relations theory and for US nuclear policy. In contrast to previous scholarship, the argument of this book provides the first coherent explanation for why nuclear superiority matters even if both sides possess a secure, second-strike capability. In so doing, it helps to resolve what may be the longest-standing, intractable, and important puzzle in the scholarly study of nuclear strategy. It concludes with a description of the plan for the rest of the book.


Author(s):  
David Boucher

Among philosophers and historians of political thought Hobbes has little or nothing to say about relations among states. For modern realists and representatives of the English School in contemporary international relations theory, however, caricatures of Hobbes abound. There is a tendency to take him too literally, referring to what is called the unmodified philosophical state of nature, ignoring what he has to say about both the modified state of nature and the historical pre-civil condition. They extrapolate from the predicament of the individual conclusions claimed to be pertinent to international relations, and on the whole find his conclusions unconvincing. It is demonstrated that there is a much more restrained and cautious Hobbes, consistent with his timid nature, in which he gives carefully weighed views on a variety of international issues, recommending moderation consistent with the duties of sovereignty.


Author(s):  
Leonard V. Smith

We have long known that the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 “failed” in the sense that it did not prevent the outbreak of World War II. This book investigates not whether the conference succeeded or failed, but the historically specific international system it created. It explores the rules under which that system operated, and the kinds of states and empires that inhabited it. Deepening the dialogue between history and international relations theory makes it possible to think about sovereignty at the conference in new ways. Sovereignty in 1919 was about remaking “the world”—not just determining of answers demarcating the international system, but also the questions. Most histories of the Paris Peace Conference stop with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles with Germany on June 28, 1919. This book considers all five treaties produced by the conference as well as the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey in 1923. It is organized not chronologically or geographically, but according to specific problems of sovereignty. A peace based on “justice” produced a criminalized Great Power in Germany, and a template problematically applied in the other treaties. The conference as sovereign sought to “unmix” lands and peoples in the defeated multinational empires by drawing boundaries and defining ethnicities. It sought less to oppose revolution than to instrumentalize it. The League of Nations, so often taken as the supreme symbol of the conference’s failure, is better considered as a continuation of the laboratory of sovereignty established in Paris.


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