HISTORIAN AND PHILOSOPHER M.S. VOSLENSKY ABOUT THE RULING CLASS OF THE SOVIET SOCIETY

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 58-73
Author(s):  
A.V. GORLOV ◽  

The purpose of the article is to analyze M.S. Voslensky’s historical and philosophical views, summa-rized in his work “Nomenclature. The dominant class of the Soviet Union”. In this work, Voslensky using the Marxist class analysis demonstrates the antagonistic nature of the Soviet society. The author of the article agrees with Voslensky’s thesis that the ruling class in the Soviet society was not the bureaucracy. The article illustrates that he mistakenly describes the origin of the Soviet nomen-clature in the framework of his artificially created conspiracy theory, according to which the nomen-clature members are feudal lords who seek to stop capitalist development. The author suggests that the basis of the historical groundlessness of Voslensky’s views is the false interpretation of capital-ism as a social system under which the liberal (classically interpreted) bourgeoisie dominates. That is why Voslensky desires to show that the Soviet ruling class is not bourgeois. According to the au-thor of the article, Voslensky was mistaken, because he did not see that not the liberal but the state bourgeoisie dominated in the Soviet society.

Author(s):  
Viktor Sergeevich Pletnikov

This article discusses the quality of constitutional-legal regulation and nature of the state of “developed socialism” based on comprehensive analysis of the text of the 1977 Constitution of the Soviet Union. The subject of this research is the target points enshrined in the Basic Law of the country and used for construction of the essential, institutional, functional-activity, normative-regulatory, and effective principles of the model of the state of "developed socialism". Such material allowed classifying the objectives specified in the 1977 Constitution of the Soviet Union, and determining the integrity of target-setting of the legislator in terms of state-building at the new stage of development of Soviet society. Using the model of the state as an instrument for cognizing state-legal life tailored to the needs of goal-setting of human activity, it is concluded that the 1977 Constitution of the Soviet Union is not qualitative instrument that ensures state-legal development of the country. A range of goals stated stipulated in the Basic Law of the country of 1977 duplicate similar provisions enshrined in the 1936 Constitution of the Soviet Union, and do not reflect the needs of the state of “developed socialism”. In view of the progressive goal reflected in the preamble of the 1977 Constitution, it has turned into the instrument of political-legal construction of reality.


Author(s):  
V.S. Vorontsov

The article reveals the establishment and transformation of elite groups in the USSR. “The theory of elites” allows to expand our understanding of the crisis of the beginning and end of the 20th century, which affected all spheres of life in the Russian society. The analysis of the ethnopolitical situation right prior to the collapse of the country suggests that it was not only a clash between the “top” and the “bottom”, elites and counter-elites, but also a confrontation within the elites and counter-elites, considering their different ideological attitudes and the ethnonational component. In contrast to pre-revolutionary Russia, in Soviet society elite groups were replenished in the process of “vertical mobility” at the expense of all layers of the multi-ethnic population. This is evident by the statistics on the nationality of the country's leadership and the national composition of the ruling Communist Party. The multinational Communist Party of the Soviet Union was a strong uniting point for the society, and just as in 1917 the fall of monarchy triggered the collapse of the empire, in 1990s it was enough to abolish the monopoly of the Communist Party to trigger and intensify centrifugal tendencies and aggravate inter-ethnic relations. The credibility of the union center, as the supreme arbiter and the guarantor of the integrity of the country, was undermined. Along with socio-economic, political, international, and national factors, the decisive importance in the collapse of the USSR was played by the rebirth and betrayal of the ruling class of the country.


1954 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 1031-1057 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vernon V. Aspaturian

“The problem of the ‘dying away’ of the state,” observed A. Y. Vyshinsky rather sarcastically in a recent monograph, “is a purely theoretical problem.” Within the context of contemporary Soviet political theory, the accuracy of this observation is beyond question, although Vyshinsky would have been the first to admit that a “theoretical problem,” no matter how pristine, always reflects a practical quandary within the methodological precepts of Marxist-Leninist ideology. This particular theoretical problem conceals an important chapter in the profound transmutation of Marxist political theory and its philosophical substructure in the Soviet Union, for it was the failure to cope adequately with this utopian legacy which led to the abandonment of the eschatological categories of the Marxist doctrine and the erection of a totally new theoretical edifice supported by new philosophical foundations.Contrary to widespread impression, the theoretical problem of the Soviet state was not satisfactorily resolved at the 18th Party Congress in 1939, although the view is prevalent that Stalin was able to provide an adequate rationalization for the existence of the state in Soviet society. It was on this occasion that the late Soviet leader explained that the state was a necessary institution because of “capitalist encirclement” and that it would persist in socialist and communist society until this encirclement was finally liquidated.


1977 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-208
Author(s):  
Alex Simirenko

It is often said that Western study of Soviet society is comparable to observing the tip of an iceberg. This analogy is not entirely appropriate since it ignores acts of deliberate camouflage and misinformation. This leads to a certain paradox. Although the greatest amount of available information covers the top of the iceberg, meaning Moscow, it also contains the greatest amount of deliberate misinformation. Information on areas such as Ukraine, however, is in shorter supply but at the same time it provides a more accurate picture, even if this picture is not an entirely clear one. This view suggests that sociology in Ukraine may reflect more accurately the state of sociology throughout the Soviet Union, even if it portrays a somewhat different picture than that generated by the Institute of Sociological Research in Moscow.


2012 ◽  
pp. 96-114
Author(s):  
L. Tsedilin

The article analyzes the pre-revolutionary and the Soviet experience of the protectionist policies. Special attention is paid to the external economic policy during the times of NEP (New Economic Policy), socialist industrialization and the years of 1970-1980s. The results of the state monopoly on foreign trade and currency transactions in the Soviet Union are summarized; the economic integration in the frames of Comecon is assessed.


2018 ◽  
pp. 550-563
Author(s):  
Daniel Sawert ◽  

The article assesses archival materials on the festival movement in the Soviet Union in 1950s, including its peak, the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students held in 1957 in Moscow. Even now the Moscow festival is seen in the context of international cultural politics of the Cold War and as a unique event for the Soviet Union. The article is to put the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students in the context of other youth festivals held in the Soviet Union. The festivals of 1950s provided a field for political, social, and cultural experiments. They also have been the crucible of a new way of communication and a new language of design. Furthermore, festivals reflected the new (althogh relative) liberalism in the Soviet Union. This liberalism, first of all, was expressed in the fact that festivals were organized by the Komsomol and other Soviet public and cultural organisations. Taking the role of these organisations into consideration, the research draws on the documents of the Ministry of culture, the All-Russian Stage Society, as well as personal documents of the artists. Furthermore, the author has gained access to new archive materials, which have until now been part of no research, such as documents of the N. Krupskaya Central Culture and Art Center and of the central committees of various artistic trade unions. These documents confirm the hypothesis that the festivals provided the Komsomol and the Communist party with a means to solve various social, educational, and cultural problems. For instance, in Central Asia with its partiarchal society, the festivals focuced on female emancipation. In rural Central Asia, as well as in other non-russian parts of the Soviet Union, there co-existed different ways of celebrating. Local traditions intermingled with cultural standards prescribed by Moscow. At the first glance, the modernisation of the Soviet society was succesful. The youth acquired political and cultural level that allowed the Soviet state to compete with the West during the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students. During the festival, however, it became apparent, that the Soviet cultural scheme no longer met the dictates of times. Archival documents show that after the Festival cultural and party officials agreed to ease off dogmatism and to tolerate some of the foreign cultural phenomena.


2020 ◽  
pp. 245-265
Author(s):  
Арсен Артурович Григорян

Цель данной статьи - описать условия, в которых Армянская Апостольская Церковь вступила в эпоху правления Н. С. Хрущёва, начавшуюся в 1953 г. По содержанию статью можно поделить на две части: в первой даются сведения о количестве приходов на территории Советского Союза и за его пределами, а также о составе армянского духовенства в СССР; во второй излагаются проблемы, существовавшие внутри Армянской Церкви, и рассматриваются их причины. Методы исследования - описание и анализ. Ценность исследования заключается в использовании ранее неопубликованных документов Государственного архива Российской Федерации и Национального архива Армении. По итогам изучения фактического материала выделяются основные проблемы Армянской Апостольской Церкви на 1953 г.: финансовый дефицит, конфликт армянских католикосатов и стремление враждующих СССР и США использовать церковь в своих политических целях. The purpose of this article is to describe the conditions in which the Armenian Apostolic Church entered the epoch of the reign of N. S. Khrushchev, which began in 1953. The article can be divided into two parts: first one gives information about the number of parishes in the territory of the Soviet Union and beyond, and about the structure of the Armenian clergy in the USSR; the second one sets out the problems that existed in the Armenian Church and discusses their causes. Research methods - description and analysis. The value of the study lies in the use of previously unpublished documents of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the National Archive of Armenia. Based on the results of studying the materials, the main problems of the Armenian Apostolic Church in 1953 are: financial deficit, the conflict of Armenian Catholicosates and the eagerness of USSR and the USA, that feuded with each other, to use the Сhurch for their political purposes.


Author(s):  
Rita Bobuevna Salmorbekova ◽  
Dilshat Karimova

The article examines the problems of the population of the residential areas of the city of Bishkek based on the sociological study. An expert survey carried out in four districts of Bishkek is presented. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, more than 50 new residential areas appeared in the city. Naturally, new residential areas do not have sufficient infrastructure for the population to this day. The current situation with internal migrants in Kyrgyzstan violates the regional demographic balance and the rational distribution of the population across the country. The population is moving actively at the interdistrict and interregional levels. As a result, the main influx of internal migrants moves to Bishkek and Chui Region. The problem of researching the state of the new residential areas in Bishkek is relevant for modern Kyrgyzstan. However, the official statistical base does not cover all citizens living in new buildings, since most residents do not have a residence registration in the area. 75–80 % of the population does not have education and health services. In many residential areas, social facilities, roads, and communications have not been built yet, and the infrastructure as a whole is not developed. Ignoring the issue on the part of the state can lead to a social explosion, expressed by protest actions, exacerbation of social and interregional conflicts among residents of the given area. Based on this, it was necessary to conduct an expert survey among the representatives of the municipal territorial authorities of each district. The main problems of residents of the new residential areas were studied as much as possible.


2013 ◽  
Vol 68 (02) ◽  
pp. 219-258
Author(s):  
Nathalie Moine

This article focuses on the influx and circulation of foreign objects in the Soviet Union during the 1940s in order to investigate the specific role of these objects during World War II. It reveals how the distribution of humanitarian aid intersected with both the (non)recognition of the genocide of Soviet Jews during the Nazi occupation, and with Stalinist social hierarchies. It explains why erasing the origins and precise circumstances through which these objects entered Soviet homes could in turn be used to hide the abuses that the Red Army perpetrated against their defeated enemies. Finally, it revises the image of a Soviet society that discovered luxury and Western modernity for the first time during the war by reconsidering the place and the trajectories of these objects in Stalinist material culture of the interwar period.


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