scholarly journals On understanding the crisis of European supernational political integration

2018 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-37
Author(s):  
Milorad Stupar
Keyword(s):  
Fundamental Problem ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Integration ◽  
Negative Externalities ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
The Veil ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Domestic Level ◽  
The Eu

It has been shown in this paper that deeper economic and political integration of the EU does not have to be a good in itself because the institutions of a super state most often do not function as a welfare state in a single country the set-up of which is aimed at solving the problem of negative externalities on the basis of a unique and coherent fiscal and social policy on a domestic level. The motivation for a research of this type has been initiated by the idea of ?hidden federalism?. This expression is used in Bojan Kovacevic?s book published under the same title with an aim to explain the fundamental problem in functioning of EU institutions which endangers the very existence of this super national political community. By leaving its contents unchecked by the wide European electorate, and by leaving simultaneously the question of ultimate political authority quite unresolved, the ?founding fathers? of the EU let the final political goal of the EU remain under the veil of non-transparent political agreement. Their hope was that the economic integration of the European Community lead by technocrats would amount eventually to its harmonious political integration on liberaldemocratic grounds. This practice has been continued by later political elite of the EU except that non-elective policy-making group were also in charge for creating central European institutions that shaped its political content in a centralistic federal manner. Since these latter institutions and policies remained unchecked by a wider public, the question of the legitimacy of the EU institutions remains constantly unresolved leaving the EU in permanent crisis.

Foreign Policy Coordination in the European Community

1990 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Purusottam Bhattacharya
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
European Community ◽  
Policy Coordination ◽  
Political Community ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Member States ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Council Of Ministers

One of the corner stones of the European Economic Community since its inception in 1958 has been the concept of political cooperation among the member states. Despite its economic character the founding fathers envisaged an essentially political community to be brought about by greater functional cooperation through Community organs such as the Commission, the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament.1 Greater harmony was also to be brought about in the conduct of Member States' foreign relations and the Community was increasingly to speak with one voice in international affairs.2 Although the necessity to impart a more formal character to the process of consultations on foreign policy issues was felt during the decade following the establishment of the Community the first concrete steps in this regard were initiated only in 1969 which resulted in the so-called ‘Davignon Report’ in 1970.3 Following its recommendation for a common European diplomatic effort European Political Cooperation (EPC) was set up in 1970. The process which was to consist of foreign policy coordination among the Member States of the European Community was to be conducted outside the framework of the treaties establishing the Community and thus not to be governed by the decision-making rules that applied to the meetings of the EEC Council of Ministers.4

Five Lessons from European Democracy

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Matijasevich
Keyword(s):  
Political Community ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
Track Record ◽  
European Democracy ◽  
Democratic Experience ◽  
Theory Of Democracy ◽  
The Eu

Outside of some states still struggling with post-communist transitions, Europe itself may be the first European democracy to collapse in decades. Though never a bastion of participatory democracy and even subject to continuous criticism due to its democratic deficit, the European Union (EU) has provided hope to those who envision a post-national democratic political community. As such, whether the EU survives its present crisis or not, cosmopolitan democrats will look to the EU as a vindication of their ideals. Though perhaps surprising given their track record, this paper will argue that political scientists, especially those concerned with democratization, can also be optimistic about what the EU has brought to the table in terms of how we conceive processes of democratic development. Throughout the paper it will be demonstrated that the creation and maintenance of the European democracy has challenged much of the literature's fundamental assumptions of what makes democracy work. Five key lessons from the European democratic experience will be presented in an attempt to disrupt some of these assumptions including lessons regarding the diversity of the demos, the contingency of democratic upkeep, the challenges of the state, the role of elites in political transformation, and the necessity of exclusion within inclusive spaces. Though a general theory of democracy will not be presented, suggestions will be made as to how we can incorporate some of these lessons into the dominant approaches to democracy found in the literature.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.214

scholarly journals Crisis and Intergovernmental Retrenchment in the European Union? Framing the EU’s Answer to the COVID-19 Pandemic

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugenio Salvati
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Institutional Capacity ◽  
Social Effects ◽  
Political Integration ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Core State ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Supranational Institutions ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has placed severe pressure on the EU’s capacity to provide a timely and coordinated response capable of curbing the pandemic’s disastrous economic and social effects on EU member states. In this situation, the supranational institutions and their models of action are evidently under pressure, seeming incapable of leading the EU out of the stormy waters of the present crisis. The article frames the first months of management of the COVID-19 crisis at EU level as characterised by the limited increase in the level of steering capacity by supranational institutions, due to the reaffirmed centrality of the intergovernmental option. To explain this situation, the article considers the absence of the institutional capacity/legitimacy to extract resources from society(ies), and the subsequent impossibility of guaranteeing an effective and autonomous process of political (re)distribution, the key factors accounting for the weakness of vertical political integration in the response to the COVID-19 challenge. This explains why during the COVID-19 crisis as well, the pattern followed by the EU is rather similar to past patterns, thus confirming that this has fed retrenchment aimed at the enforcement of the intergovernmental model and the defence of the most sensitive core state powers against inference from supranational EU institutions.

scholarly journals An intelligent management system for aquaponics

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 345-350
Author(s):  
Divas Karimanzira ◽  
Thomas Rauschenbach
Keyword(s):  
Food Production ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Optimum Conditions ◽  
Sustainable Food ◽  
Water Recirculation ◽  
Increase Productivity ◽  
Intelligent Management ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Aquaculture Production ◽  
The Eu

Abstract Population rise, climate change, soil degradation, water scarcity, and food security require efficient and sustainable food production. Aquaponics is a highly efficient way of farming and is becoming increasingly popular. However, large scale aquaponics still lack stability, standardization and proof of economical profitability. The EU-INAPRO project helps to overcome these limitations by introducing digitization, enhanced technology, and developing standardized modular scalable solutions and demonstrating the viability of large aquaponics. INAPRO is based on an innovation a double water recirculation system (DRAPS), one for fish, and the other one for crops. In DRAPS, optimum conditions can be set up individually for fish and crops to increase productivity of both. Moreover, the integration of digital technologies and data management in the aquaculture production and processing systems will enable full traceability and transparency in the processes, increasing consumers’ trust in aquaculture products. In this paper, the innovations and the digitization approach will be introduced and explained and the key benefits of the system will be emphasized.

scholarly journals Territoriality Beyond the State: The EU’s Territorial Claims and the Search for Their Legitimacy

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 650-672
Author(s):  
Josef Weinzierl
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
European Level ◽  
Territorial Claims ◽  
The One ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Eu

AbstractQuite a few recent ECJ judgments touch on various elements of territorial rule. Thereby, they raise the profile of the main question this Article asks: Which territorial claims does the EU make? To provide an answer, the present Article discusses and categorizes the individual elements of territoriality in the EU’s architecture. The influence of EU law on national territorial rule on the one hand and the emergence of territorial governance elements at the European level on the other provide the main pillars of the inquiry. Once combined, these features not only help to improve our understanding of the EU’s distinctly supranational conception of territoriality. What is more, the discussion raises several important legitimacy questions. As a consequence, the Article calls for the development of a theoretical model to evaluate and justify territoriality in a political community beyond the state.

History of the Word "Democracy" in Canada and Québec: A Political Analysis of Rhetorical Strategies

2010 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rhetorical Strategies ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Masses

An examination of the speeches of modern Canada’s “founding fathers” reveals that they were openly antidemocratic. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on similar studies of the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term democracy in Canada shows that the country’s association with democracy was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the country’s political regime. Rather, it was the result of discursive strategies employed by the political elite to strengthen its ability to mobilize the masses during the World Wars.

scholarly journals Aniversarios con luces y sombras: Constitución española, integración europea y ‘defectos estructurales’ de la UE // Anniversaries with Mixed Feelings: the Spanish Constitution, European Integration, and the «Genetic Defects» of the EU (1957-2017 and 1978-2018).

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 1139
Author(s):  
Antonio Carlos Pereira Menaut
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Democratic Deficit ◽  
Constitutional Rule ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
Mixed Feelings ◽  
Structural Failures ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

Resumen:En conjunto puede decirse que tanto la UE como la Constitución española de 1978 han sido grandes éxitos que ahora celebran sus aniversarios, pero ambas tienen problemas que deben ser resueltos. En el caso de la UE, parece haber un puñado de defectos estructurales difíciles de eliminar y que dificultan mucho solucionar el déficit democrático y la plena constitucionalización de la Unión. Los mismos defectos estructurales plantean la cuestión de hasta dónde puede llegar la integración europea, manteniendo, al mismo tiempo, la integridad constitucional española, o al menos no amenazándola. Nos inclinamos por abandonar el método funcionalista, pasar a un tipo de gobierno plenamente político y constitucional, y encaminarnos hacia un federalismo pluralista, más bien dual y del tipo del americano.Summary:I. By way of an introduction. II. Some points to start with. III. On federalism, once again. IV. Has european constitutionalism some structural failures? A. Constitutionalism and the functionalist method. B. The impact of the insufficient EU democracy on Spanish constitutionalism. C. Is the EU a pluralistic, multilevel political community composed of smaller, yet real, political communities? D. Globalisation, European constitutionalism, and Spanish constitutionalism. V. How much European integration is the Spanish constitution apt to admit of?Abstract:On the whole, one may safely say that both the EU and the 1978 Spanish Constitution have been runaway successes that are now about celebrating their anniversaries, yet both have problems that should be addressed to. In the case of the EU, there seems to exist a handful of structural failures that are not easy to remove and make very difficult to cope with the democratic deficit and the full constitutionalising of the Union. The same inbuilt failures pose the question of how far may European integration go while at the same time maintaining, or not menacing, the integrity of the Spanish Constitution. Our leanings go towards abandoning the functionalist method, embracing a fully political, constitutional rule, and making for a pluralistic, rather dual, American-like, kind of federalism.

scholarly journals Institutional and Legal Development of EAEU and EU in Comparative Perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 155-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Entin ◽  
Vadim Voynikov
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
Legal Analysis ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Legal Decisions ◽  
Legal Structure ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
History Of ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
Integration Project ◽  
The Eu

Despite the relatively short history of its development, the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is becoming more confident about itself as a successful integration project. At the same time, there is a growing interest in the EAEU by the political elite and scientific community in Russia and abroad. The EAEU is investigated from different points of view, but almost no research is carried out without a comparative legal analysis of the EAEU and the European Union (EU). Both unions belong to the same type of integration organizations; the EAEU was largely created in the image of the EU. However, an analysis of the institutional and legal structure of the EAEU and the EU shows there are fundamental differences between the two unions concerning the principles of their functioning. This article substantiates the fact that supranational constitutionalization within the EU is not typical for the EAEU and is even harmful. At the same time, the technical tools developed by the EU can be useful to the EAEU for resolving current challenges of ensuring sustainability and self-affirmation in the international arena. This experience is of importance in view of the crisis experienced by the EU, since only they were able to manifest what institutional and legal decisions are working within the framework of an integration association, and which should be discarded. It is vital that the EAEU not repeat the mistakes and miscalculations of the EU.

scholarly journals Regional governance in the new CEE member states of the EU

Competitio ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-48
Author(s):  
Daniel Pop
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
Regional Policy ◽  
Case Analysis ◽  
Regional Governance ◽  
Governance Structures ◽  
Member States ◽  
Meso Level ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Level Government

This paper discusses how the CEE-10 countries complied with the EU conditionality in the field of regional policy, examining whether the territorial reforms implemented were carried out leading to the enrooting of sub-national regional governance structures. Following the discussion of the EU requirements in the field of regional policy, I turn to a case by case analysis of how the meso-level government tiers were set up in the CEE-10 countries. The analysis leads to the finding that the limited interest in the CEE-10 countries to develop extensive regional governance structures by creating new autonomous sub-national governance structures coupled with the frequent contradictory and often unofficial requirements by the European Commission during negotiations, has led to a weak institutionalization of meso-level governments when compared to the institutional and policy structures within the EU-15.

scholarly journals Social Bots and Fake News as (not) seen from the Viewpoint of Digital Education Frameworks

2017 ◽  
Vol 2017 (Occasional Papers) ◽  
pp. 61-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dietmar Janetzko
Keyword(s):  
Digital Media ◽  
Digital Literacy ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
Academic Disciplines ◽  
Fake News ◽  
Digital Competence ◽  
Digital Education ◽  
Research Activities ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Eu

Over recent years, international organisations like the EU and UNESCO have set up a number of proposals, models and frameworks that seek (i) to map and to conceptualize digital literacy and related concepts, e. g. information, digital or media literacy, digital competence, digital skills and (ii) to formulate policies and recommendations based on the conceptualizations developed. The resulting frameworks, such as Digital Competence (DigComp) developed by the EU, or Media and Information Literacy (MIL) developed by UNESCO, have a strong formative power on a global scale. Affected are policies, laws, regulations, research activities, and academic disciplines like media pedagogy and mindsets. Do these frameworks consider the effects of disruptive attempts by digital media to intervene in public debates e. g. social bots, fake news and other manifestations of biased or false information online? Do they offer avenues for reflection and action to address them? Guided by these questions, this paper studies the flagship frameworks on digital education of the EU and UNESCO, DigComp and MIL. It finds biases in both frameworks. To different degrees, both tend to overemphasize the practical and instrumental use of digital literacy.

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