scholarly journals The vices of emperor Constans I in the fourth century histories

2008 ◽  
pp. 27-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uros Milivojevic
Keyword(s):  
Fourth Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Roman Emperor ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Real ◽  
Ab Urbe Condita ◽  
Historical Tradition ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Selection Of

The aim of this paper is to analyze the negative characteristics of the Roman emperor Constans I (337-350), according to the earliest preserved information from the late 4th century histories of Aurelius Victor, Eutropius Pseudo-Victor and Eunapius of Sardis. The earliest account of Constans' downfall is around 361 recorded by Aurelius Victor in his short history De Caesaribus. Victor wrote that Constans became more arrogant and aggressive after he defeated his elder brother Constantine II in 340. Also, he was not cautious enough for his young age, was hated due to his bad subordinates and did not respect his soldiers properly. But, the most outrageous fact was according to Victor, that the emperor had homosexual affinity towards his young and attractive barbarian hostages. The record of less moralistic Eutropius in his Breviarium ab Urbe condita, written in 369, is shorter but sharper. In the beginning the reign of Constans was vigorous and righteous but his character deteriorated after his illness. Following that, the young Augustus befriended himself with corrupted companions and turned to severe vices. His reign grew unbearable to his subjects and unpopular among the army ranks. Briefer then Eutropis is the testimony of an anonymous Latin author of Epitome de caesaribus who was contemporary to the Eastern Roman emperor Arcadius (395-408). This Pseudo-Victor wrote down that Constans devoted himself to hunting session, thus allowing plotters to dethrone him. Finally the single Greek author in this series, Eunapius (died after 404), whose istoria h meta Dexippon survived in fragments and Zosimus' late fifth century abridgment, called Constans the worst among the most intolerable tyrants. The Lydian sophist, as far as we could conclude from Zosimus', also recorded Constans' inclination towards young barbarians whom he allowed to mistreat his subjects. Because of wretchedness in the provinces of his realm, the courtiers led coup d'etat through Augustus' hunting session. Although vivid and informative, the real weight of these four accounts could be estimated only through comparison with the other, real or traditional, dreadful emperors described by the four authors. For example, the youthful age was important component of the bad reigns of Otho, Domitian and Gallienus, as Victor emphasizes. Eutropius' pattern of the promising start of the Emperor's reign and his later disgrace was similarly used in his assessment of Gallienus and Constantine the Great. According to Pseudo-Victor, Valentinian I could be estimated as the perfect prince if there had not been his poor selection of advisers. Constans' homosexual leaning towards young barbarian hostages could be observed from the two points. The first would be the remark that these barbarians were dubious companions for the Roman emperors, just as some of the rulers were blacklisted for their, real or assumptive, sympathy and meekness for women, eunuchs and courtiers. Gratian and Theodosius I were specially ill-famed for their affinity for Alan mercenaries and Gothic refugees respectively. On the other hand, slandered Licinius was praised for his strength in cultivating his courtiers and eunuchs. In relation to Constans' homosexuality, it is essential to note that one of the fundamental keys to the bad emperor's character was his breach of sexual taboos. In the inaccurate 4th century tradition Caracalla was known for his marriage with his stepmother, or Gallienus for his barter with Marcomanic king, in which he allegedly traded part of Pannonia Superior for the barbarian concubine. Explicitly, homosexuality was ascribed to Domitian, Carinus and Maximian Herculius. Finally, although the remarks on Constans' unpopularity and death were taken from the earliest preserved sources, it is clear that only a decade after his demise, the tradition, framed in already existing negative pattern, was established. This version of the events, probably maintained in lost Kaisergeschichte, was firstly acknowledged and then further supplemented by these four authors. In this context it is attractive to note down old samples of dire regimes and Roman historical tradition, still preserved both by the Latin and Greek authors in later 4th century. Then again, this fact is not very helpful in tracing the real character omissions of the deceased emperor Constans. .

The Eudemian Theogony and Early Orphic Poetry

2018 ◽  
pp. 87-118
Author(s):  
Dwayne A. Meisner
Keyword(s):  
Fourth Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Fourth Section ◽  
The Third

The third chapter is about a theogony that had been known to the philosopher Eudemus (fourth century BC), and all of the other fragments that modern scholars have associated with this theogony. The Neoplatonist Damascius (fifth century AD) says that the theogony started with Night, but modern scholars have tried to link this to other early fragments of Orphic poetry. This chapter discusses Aristophanes in the first section, and Plato and Aristotle in the second section, arguing that their scattered references to Orphic poems might not have been from the same theogony. The third section introduces the Orphic Hymn(s) to Zeus that appear in different variations, the earliest of which are from around the same time as these other fragments. The fourth section suggests that early Orphic fragments about Demeter and Dionysus are not from the Eudemian theogony.

The Policy of Sparta

1912 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 261-269
Author(s):  
G. B. Grundy
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Fourth Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Greek History ◽  
New Evidence

In two papers published within the last year, one in the Classical Quarterly of October, 1911, and the other in the last number of this Journal, Mr. Dickins has put forward certain views with regard to the main lines of the policy of Sparta in the latter half of the sixth and in the fifth century B.C.Inasmuch as his two articles aim at refuting certain views put forward by myself and others in this Journal and elsewhere, I should like to reply to his arguments.In the first place Mr. Dickins, who has had and has used special opportunities for acquiring information with regard to the antiquities of Sparta, adduces a large number of new facts. For this part of his work every student of Greek History must be grateful to him. It is in the conclusions which he draws from the new evidence, and the scant courtesy with which he treats some of the old, that the main defects of his arguments lie. He uses some of the evidence of Herodotus, and ignores the rest. That of Thucydides he treats in the same way. As for that of Aristotle, he appears to regard it as wholly misleading, with regard to both Sparta in early times and Sparta in the fifth century. It seems to me that it is not unreasonable to assume that Aristotle in the fourth century before Christ had access to better evidence in support of his statements with regard to the Spartan state of the fifth century than we in the twentieth century after Christ either possess or are ever likely to possess.

Principes cum Tyrannis: Two Studies on the Kaisergeschichte and its Tradition

1993 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 491-500 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. W. Burgess
Keyword(s):  
Fourth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Third Century ◽  
Common Source ◽  
Single Source ◽  
Natural Assumption ◽  
Ammianus Marcellinus ◽  
The Third ◽  
Historia Augusta ◽  
Selection Of

The Kaisergeschichte (KG) was a set of short imperial biographies extending from Augustus to the death of Constantine, probably written between 337 and c. 340. It no longer exists but its existence can be deduced from other surviving works. Amongst the histories of the fourth century – Aurelius Victor, Eutropius, Festus, Jerome's Chronici canones, the Historia Augusta, the Epitome de Caesaribus, and, in places, even Ammianus Marcellinus and perhaps the Origo Constantini imperatoris (Anonymi Valesiani pars prior) – there is a common selection of facts and errors, and common wording and phrasing in their narratives between Augustus and the death of Constantine, especially in their accounts of the third century. A natural assumption is that later historians copied earlier ones, yet later historians include information not contained in earlier ones, and historians who could not have known each other's work share similarities. For example, it looks as though Aurelius Victor was copying Eutropius, yet Victor wrote before Eutropius, and Eutropius contains information not in Victor and does not reproduce Victor's peculiar style or personal biases, things which he could hardly have avoided. Therefore Eutropius cannot be copying Victor. Since neither could have copied the other, there must therefore have been a common source. In his Chronici canones Jerome appears at first to be simply copying Eutropius. Yet when he deviates from Eutropius, his deviations usually mirror other histories, such as Suetonius, Victor, Festus, even the Epitome and the Historia Augusta, two works that had not even been written when Jerome compiled his chronicle and that did not use, and would never have used, the Christian chronicle as a source. Jerome was hurriedly dictating to his secretary, he had no time to peruse four or five works at a time for his brief notices. There must have been a single source that contained both the Eutropian material and the deviations common to Jerome and the other works. That source was the KG. It is the purpose of this paper to add to the above list of authors who relied upon the KG two other writers whose work can be shown to have derived, either at first hand or later, from the KG: Polemius Silvius and Ausonius.

scholarly journals جليل الكلام ودقيقه لدى الشيعة الإمامية قبل بداية فترة الغيبة الكبرى

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Mosaab Elkhair Edris
Keyword(s):  
Fifth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Real ◽  
History Of ◽  
Intellectual Foundations ◽  
History Of Theology ◽  
The One ◽  
Theological Thought ◽  
Cross Fertilization

This study would serve as sequel to the views of the Imami theologian Hisham bin al-hakam on Jalil al-Kalam and Daqiq al-Kalam by explaining the theological views of Zurarah bin Aʻyun, Abu Jaʻfar al-Ahwal, al-Fadl ibn Shazan and Banu Nubakht; it will focus on their known writings, explicating their available theological views as far as possible, on the basis of Sunni and Shi’ite sources in the context of the history of theology. The objective behind that is to explain the theological trends that emerged in the history of the Twelver Imamite community, their connections; this would, first of all, provide knowledge of the intellectual foundations of the Twelver theology, which reached its pinnacle at the hands of the theologians of the fifth century AH beginning with Shaykh al-Mufid bin Muhammad bin al-Nuʻman al-ʻAkbari al-Baghdadi. Secondly, this study would provide an understanding of the relational basis between the Twelver and the Mutazilite theological thought. I think that it is the result of a mutual cross-fertilization on the one hand, while on the other since they both derive from the same sources, they lead to similar results. It is not a case of Shi’ite subservience to a predominant Mutazilite influence because the Twelver Shi’ite theologian was conscious of his requirements in support of his doctrine, which revolves around the issue of the Imamah in Jalil al-Kalam and Daqiq al-Kalam alike. In addition, this study will also identify the real origins of the idea of limiting the imamate to twelve imams, ending with the consideration of the early Imamite scholars through which they established their arguments against their opponents in their writings and debates. This is all the more important since the titles of the Shi’ite Imami writings and from what is quoted in their debates on the issue of Imamate, do not point to the imamate of only twelve imams, as the history of the Imami Thought depicts and which starts with the period of the Minor Occultation, which lasted about 70 years from 260 to 329 AH. KeywordsImami Shiʻites, Jalil al-Kalam, Daqiq al-Kalam, Major Occultation

scholarly journals URDU: عصر حاضر میں اسلام کے تصور ولایت کی اہمیت و ضرورت

rahatulquloob ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 109-120
Author(s):  
Dr. Ambreen Atiq ◽  
Dr. Abu Sufyan Qazi Furqan Ahmad ◽  
Dr. Khawaja Saif ur Rehman
Keyword(s):  
Real Life ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Real ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Islamic Jurisprudence ◽  
Potential Problems ◽  
Physical Attraction ◽  
The Guardian ◽  
Total Agreement ◽  
Selection Of

According to Islamic Jurisprudence, one of the most important requirements for a sound marriage is the total agreement of the woman under the guardianship of her father or any other mahram relative. In case of none, the ruler or the judge assume to be a guardian or Wali of a woman. A guardian or Wali is responsible for the selection of the righteous person for the woman and assures the protection and welfare of her Rights and interests. He has the authority to reject and refuse the proposal if the suitor did not deem a sound and sincere match. A marriage without a guardian is considered unlawful, as there is no concept of love affairs and courtship without a guardian in Islam. The guardian evaluates the religious, social and economic compatibility of the couple, while on the other hand a woman selects the spouse on physical attraction and romantic notion which vanishes out soon as the real life starts causing potential problems in relationship. That why Islam lays down principle and law of wilayat for a lady to protect her interests and rights and consider to be a shield and safeguard for her welfare in future marital life.

Excavations at Al Mina, Sueidia: III. The Red-figured Vases

1939 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. D. Beazley
Keyword(s):  
Fourth Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Left Hand ◽  
The Third ◽  
Right Hand ◽  
Ground Line ◽  
Selection Of

I am indebted to Sir Leonard Woolley for his invitation to publish the red-figured vases found in his excavations at Al Mina; to Mr. Martin Robertson, who has helped me in many ways, and was the first to notice many of the joins; to Mr. C. O. Waterhouse for the drawings and photographs. I give only a selection of the finds, but have omitted, I think, little of importance. The red-figure is all Attic.The black-figure from Al Mina is scanty, poor, and no older than the earliest red-figure sherds found there, which are from eye-cups:—1. Three fragments of an eye-cup. The largest measures 0·041 m. across. A, part of the left-hand eye; shank and heel of the figure, cutting across the tear-gland. B, part of the left-hand eye and of the ground-line. The fragment not figured gives another bit of eye. Not one of the very earliest eye-cups: about 525.2. There is no saying whether a third fragment of an eye-cup belongs to the last or not: the cup was bilingual, and part of the b.f. interior remains, a centaur with a stone in his right hand: greatest breadth 0·060 m.Red-figure does not become plentiful at Al Mina until well on in the third quarter of the fifth century. In the fourth century the import increases. There is little archaic red-figure, and most of what there is belongs to the end of the period.

Science with the Australia Telescope (Invited Paper)

1987 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. Robinson
Keyword(s):  
Phase Space ◽  
Real Time ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Real ◽  
New Science ◽  
Long Baseline ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
Compact Array

AbstractThe research now under way with the real-time 275 km Parkes-Tidbinbila interferometer is used as a guide to the initial science to be undertaken with the 319 km Australia Telescope (AT) Long Baseline Array. On the other hand, it is risky to guess at the new science likely to be attempted with the 6 km AT Compact Array at Culgoora; instead the potential that has been built into this array is discussed and a selection of basic questions in astrophysics is posed as a guide to significant science that might yield to new observers on a fresh instrument under the southern skies. In conclusion two questions are probed: Can discoveries be made by users of national facilities? Does the AT cross into new domains in the phase space of observations?

The Primary History of Armenia: An Examination of the Validity of an Immemorially Transmitted Historical Tradition

1975 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 91-100
Author(s):  
Robert H. Hewson
Keyword(s):  
Ninth Century ◽  
Fourth Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
The Body ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
Contemporary History ◽  
Alexander The Great ◽  
History Of ◽  
Historical Tradition ◽  
Historical Memories

Few peoples of the Middle East have produced as many historical works as the Armenians: their historiography dates back at least to the fifth century A.D. While most medieval Armenian historians have concerned themselves with contemporary history and the immediate past, there have been some who have attempted to trace Armenian history from the earliest times. It is to two of these, Pseudo-Sebeos and Pseudo-Moses of Khoren, that we owe the survival of the body of historical memories now generally referred to as the Primary History of Armenia.This Primary History has come to us in two redactions, a long and a short. The shorter version is attributed to the earliest known Armenian historian, Agathangelos (fourth century A.D.?) and is presented in the opening section of a seventh-century work ascribed-probably wrongly-to a certain bishop named Sebeos. The longer version, much expanded and edited, is contained in Book One of the compilation of Armenian antiquities known as the History of Armenia by Pseudo-Moses of Khoren. While the date of this work has been much disputed, it appears now to be a product of the late eighth or early ninth century.According to Pseudo-Sebeos the short redaction of the Primary History was a work originally written by Agathangelos, secretary to Tiridates HI (298–330), the first Christian king of Armenia, and was based on information contained in a book written by a certain Marab the Philosopher from Mtsurn, a town in western Armenia. Pseudo-Moses, on the other hand, claims that the parallel material in his history (I. 9–32 and II. 1–9) is an extract by Marabas Katiba from a Greek translation of a Chaldean history of Armenia made by order of Alexander the Great.

Augustine of Hippo, Servus Servorum Christi

1934 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 187-206
Author(s):  
R. Pierce Beaver
Keyword(s):  
Saint Augustine ◽  
The State ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
The West ◽  
Augustine Of Hippo ◽  
The Real ◽  
Islamic Conquest ◽  
The Church

The age of Saint Augustine was for the episcopate of the West a period of training for future duties. Before the end of the fifth century, in almost every community the real leader, both in temporal and spiritual matters, was the bishop. During the next two centuries there came into being the medieval prelate, a prince in the church and in the state; but the foundations of his ecclesiastical and civil jurisdiction had already been laid by the early part of the fifth century. The African bishops shared with their colleagues of the other western provinces the same line of evolution, until it was interrupted, first by the Vandal invasion, and then by the Islamic conquest. However, by that time Augustine of Hippo, Alypius of Thagaste, the primate Aurelius of Carthage, and their fellow-bishops had made contributions of permanent value to the whole church, and they had created a noble standard of duty and conduct to be emulated by prelates of a later day.

“Born from the Earth”: The Political Uses of an Athenian Myth

2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara L. Forsdyke
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Landscape ◽  
Fourth Century ◽  
Eighth Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
The Earth ◽  
Fourth Century Bce ◽  
Mother Earth

AbstractThis paper analyzes the evolution of Athenian myths of their origins from the eighth century to the fourth century BCE. The analysis shows that Athenian myths of origins changed in emphasis and significance according to political needs. In the earliest period (c.800–480 BCE), the Athenians emphasized their descent from earthborn kings who were nurtured by Athena. In this way, the Athenians laid claim to the territory of Attica and to a place in the panhellenic cultural landscape through their connection to Athena. By the mid-fifth century, Athenian myths of origins shifted emphasis in order to stress Athenian superiority over the other Greeks, especially their chief rivals, the Spartans. At this time, the Athenians adopted a new term to describe their origins, namely autochthony. Through this term, the Athenians emphasized their continuous habitation of the territory of Attica, in opposition to those cities (especially Sparta) whose population had emigrated from elsewhere. By the fourth century BCE, the myth changed emphasis again. At this time the Athenians focused on their common birth from the same mother (earth) as a way of affirming the principle of political equality among citizens following the restoration of democracy after the bloody oligarchic revolutions of the late fifth century.

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