Latin America and the Socio-Economic Impact of the Cuban Revolution

1962 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro C. M. Teichert
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Economic Impact ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
Good Neighbor Policy ◽  
Socio Economic Impact ◽  
Imminent Threat ◽  
Good Neighbor ◽  
The Military ◽  
Latin American Countries

The Cuban revolution has profoundly shaken the economic and political foundation traditional in most of the 20 Latin American republics. The demand by the rest of Latin America for Cuban type reforms has also required a reappraisal of U. S.-Latin American relations, which with the breaking off of diplomatic intercourse between Cuba and the U. S., January 4, 1961, have reached their lowest point since the initiation in the mid 1930's of the Good Neighbor Policy by President Roosevelt. Furthermore, the spread of the Cuban revolution, with its ideals and aspirations for the fulfilment of the age-old political, social, and economic aspirations of the downtrodden masses, is now an imminent threat for the remaining undemocratic Latin American governments. There is no denying the fact that most Latin American countries are still run by an oligarchy of landlords and the military.

scholarly journals Soziale Bewegungen in Lateinamerika

2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (142) ◽  
pp. 7-22
Author(s):  
"Mónica Bruckmann ◽  
Theotonio Dos Santos
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin America ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Soziale Bewegungen ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military ◽  
Latin American Countries

At the beginning of the 20th century, social movements in Latin America were heavily influenced by anarchist immigrants from Europe and then by the ideological struggles around the Russian revolution. Beginning in the 1930s, many social movements started to incorporate into leftwing and populist parties and governments, such as the Cardenismo in Mexico. Facing the shift of many governments towards the left and the 'threat' of socialist Cuba, ultrarightwing groups and the military, supported by the US, responded in many countries with brutal repression and opened the neoliberal era. Today, after 30 years of repression and neoliberal hegemony, the social movements are gaining strength again in many Latin American countries. With the anti-globalization movement, new insurrections like the Zapatismo in Mexico, and some leftwing governments coming into power in Venezuela, Brasil and other countries, there appears to be a new turn in Latin America's road to the future.

Hollywood and Disney in Mid-20th-Century Inter-American Relations

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernando Purcell ◽  
Camila Gatica
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Good Neighbor Policy ◽  
Hollywood Film ◽  
Latin American Culture ◽  
Good Neighbor ◽  
The Coordinator

Hollywood, and Disney in particular, played a key role in inter-American relations during the mid-20th century. Hollywood cinema became an important weapon of cultural diplomacy in the context of the Good Neighbor Policy and later during World War II, and it aligned itself with the main diplomatic guidelines issued by Washington. Cinema was widely disseminated throughout Latin America, which helped to consolidate the US message in the region. Thus the close ties between the Hollywood film industry and the State Department is made clear, which became particularly close with regard to Latin America thanks to the creation of the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs during the conflict. In this context, the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs played a key role in creating a two-way street between Latin American culture and US audiences, as well as presenting the United States as an ally to trust.

Role Of the Military Elite in Brazil

1982 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 289-301
Author(s):  
Ram Rattan
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Veto Power ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
Common Features ◽  
Military Elite ◽  
The Military ◽  
Latin American Countries

The Military is one institution that has managed to gain “stability and power” in most Latin American countries.1 Except in Costa Rica which has no military establishment, and Mexico, which has succeeded in bringing the “soldiers firmly to heel,”2 the Military dominates the politics of more than half of them. They are, as Stephen Clissold puts it, “a familiar feature of the political scene.”3 Military's intervention in the politics of major Latin American countries has had a number of common features, which are at once unique and interesting. To Willard Beaulac, the most notable feature is that the armed forces “rarely act alone.”4 They are often invited to “intervene” by the civilians themselves who “prefer victory with military support to defeat without it.”5 And, once they are in power, they no longer consider their intervention in political life as “provisional” or “transitory” between two civilian administrations.6 They are then in no hurry to quit or give in, they tend to stay on and consolidate their position! Over the years, military intervention in Latin American countries has also come to wear “an increasingly anti-Communist face.”7 Rather, “communist” became a convenient label for any civilian politician whom the Military wanted to remove. The major exception to this anti-communist stance is provided by Fidel Castro's Communist State of Cuba which keeps fighting for “liberation from Yankee imperialism.”8 In most Latin American countries where the Military rules the roost, the men-in-uniform are no longer satisfied with their role either as “moderators” or ruthless “directors.” They see themselves as “monitors” of the government's performance.9 And, their monitoring role has come to be sanctioned not only by tradition, but also by law. As Beaulac says: “Some fifteen of the Latin American Constitutions designate the Military as guardians of the Constitution.”10 This monitoring role gives them an informal veto power over the decisions of civilian agencies, including those of the presidency itself. Consequently, today the Military in Latin America does not confine its role merely to being “the upholders of order” and “guardians of the nation's constitution;”11 they increasingly emphasize their role as “promoters of progress” or “instruments of economic and social change.”12 They engage themselves in “civic action” rather seriously. As “development” is the major problem of the Third World the Military's increasing willingness to undertake this task of “nation-building” has made its position more secure than that of its civilian counterparts. What is surprising in their eagerness to take up this role is the fact that they have been encouraged in this effort by their own war colleges whose, primary aim is to “militarize” civilians, rather than “civilianize” the Military.13 That, probably, may be the reason as to why Latin America “still spends proportionately less on arms than any other developing area of the world, apart from Africa south of the Sahara.”14 Infact, Latin America needs every penny of its money for its development. It is in view primarily of their contribution in the area of “nation-building” that the Military in several Latin American Republics cannot just be talked or written out of existence. Johnson has aptly concluded, that the Military in Latin America will continue to have “a spoon in every soup.”15 With these common features as a backgrounder, the present paper would attempt to study the changing roles of the Military, particularly the Brazilian military-elite vis-a-vis their civilian counterparts in the politics of Brazil, the largest and the most populous state in Latin America.

The Movement for Regional Arms Control in Latin America

1971 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh B. Stinson ◽  
James D. Cochrane
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Arms Control ◽  
Control Measures ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Equipment ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military ◽  
Latin American Countries

The post-World War II period in Latin America, as elsewhere, has been marked by the presence of two somewhat contradictory phenomena in the field of armaments. On the one hand, most of the countries have continued their long-standing tradition of devoting a substantial portion of their national budgets to the military and have expanded their arsenals of weapons and stocks of military equipment. On the other hand, several governments have suggested various arms control measures for the Latin American countries. The aim of some of these suggestions has been a reduction in the level of armaments, equipment, and force size; the aim of other suggestions has been more modest—to freeze armaments and forces at existing levels; and the aim of still other suggestions has been to ban nuclear weapons from the region.

scholarly journals Buena Vecindad y Populismo: El Caribe en las Relaciones Interamericanas de 1933 a 1946

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
Antonio Gaztambide-Géigel
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
Good Neighbor Policy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Good Neighbor ◽  
The Impact

ResumenLa historiografía sobre la Política del Buen Vecino nos ha permitido distinguir dos períodos en las relaciones estadounidenses con América Latina entre 1933 y 1945. Se ha discutido poco, sin embargo, acerca del efecto de ese cambio sobre las políticas y en las relaciones. Tampoco se ha dicho mucho sobre las diferencias entre el contenido e impacto del Buen Vecino en el Caribe y en el resto del hemisferio. Aquí se abordan ambas dimensiones de las relaciones entre Estados Unidos y el Caribe vinculándolas a los desarrollos políticos internos en diversas sociedades de la región. Entre otras cosas, se manifiesta una tendencia a interpretar los cambios en el Caribe utilizando conceptos y teorías de los países centrales (como fascismo, comunismo, etcétera) y del contexto latinoamericano (como nacionalismo, populismo, Buen Vecino, antimperialismo, etcétera). Este trabajo intenta revisar la aplicación de las teorías y conceptos, adoptar una perspectiva más comparativa y abordar cada experiencia en sus propios términos.Palabras chaves: Caribe, EUA, Relaciones Interamericanas, populismo, Política de buena vencidad.Boa Vizinhança e Populismo: o Caribe nas relações interamericanas de 1933 a 1946.ResumoA historiografia da Política de Boa Vizinhança permitiu-nos distinguir dois períodos nas relações dos EUA com a América Latina entre 1933 e 1945. Tem sido discutido pouco, no entanto, o efeito dessa mudança sobre a política e as relações. Também não disse muito sobre as diferenças entre o conteúdo e o impacto da Boa Vizinhança no Caribe e em outras partes do hemisfério. Aqui ambas as dimensões das relações entre os EUA e o Caribe serão abordadas, relacionando-as aos desenvolvimentos políticos internos em várias sociedades da região. Entre outras coisas, há uma tendência para interpretar mudanças no Caribe, utilizando conceitos e teorias dos países centrais (como o fascismo, comunismo, etc.) e o contexto da América Latina (como o nacionalismo, o populismo, bom vizinho, anti-imperialismo, etc.). Este trabalho pretende revisar a aplicação de teorias e conceitos, adotando uma perspectiva comparativa, e abordar cada experiência em seus próprios termos.Palavras chaves: Caribe, EUA, relações interamericanas, populismo, Política da Boa Vizinhança.Good Neighbor Policy and Populism: Caribbean on Inter-American Relations between 1933 and 1946.AbstractThe historiography of the Good Neighbor Policy has enabled us to distinguish two periods in the US foreign relations with Latin America between 1933 and 1945. However, the effect of this change on the policy and relations has been under discussed. In addition, there is no much saying about the differences between the content and the impact of the Good Neighbor in the Caribbean and elsewhere in the hemisphere. In this article, both dimensions of relations between the US and the Caribbean are addressed, relating to the internal developments policies in various societies in the region. Among other things, there is a tendency to interpret changes in the Caribbean, using concepts and theories of the central countries (such as fascism, communism, etc.) and also the Latin American context (such as nationalism, populism, good neighbor, anti-imperialism, etc.). This paper aims to review the application of theories and concepts, adopting a comparative perspective, and approach each experience on their own terms.Keywords:  Caribbean, USA, Inter-American Relations, Populism, Good Neighbor policy

Costs drive US retirement migration to Latin America

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Economic Impact ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
Retirement Communities ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Retirement Migration ◽  
Latin American Countries

Subject The growth of Latin America as a destination for foreign retirees. Significance Several Latin American countries offer incentives to encourage foreigners -- particularly from the United States -- to retire there. While this is still a relatively small-scale phenomenon, it has been growing over recent years and has a significant economic impact in areas where retirees are concentrated. Impacts Latin American countries offer increasingly generous incentives to encourage retirees to settle there. Any increase in political instability in destination countries would stem the flow of retirees quickly and dramatically. Cultural and language barriers will be a major deterrent despite the growth of retirement communities.

Waldo Frank's Crusade for Latin American Literature

1989 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-69
Author(s):  
Irene Rostagno
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
World War I ◽  
American Literature ◽  
Latin American ◽  
North American ◽  
World War ◽  
Good Neighbor Policy ◽  
Latin American Culture ◽  
American Author ◽  
Good Neighbor

Waldo Frank, who is now forgotten in Latin America, was once the most frequently read and admired North American author there. Though his work is largely neglected in the U.S., he was at one time the leading North American expert on Latin American writing. His name looms large in tracing the careers of Latin American writers in this country before 1940. Long before Franklin D. Roosevelt launched the Good Neighbor policy, Frank brought back to his countrymen news of Latin American culture.Frank went to South America when he was almost forty. The youthful dreams of Frank and his fellow pre-World War I writers and artists to make their country a fit place for cultural renaissance that would change society had waned with the onset of the twenties.1 But they had not completely vanished. Disgruntled by the climate of "normalcy" prevailing in America after World War I, he turned to Latin America. He started out in the Southwest. The remnants of Mexican culture he found in Arizona and New Mexico enticed him to venture further into the Hispanic world. In 1921 he traveled extensively in Spain and in 1929 spent six months exploring Latin America.

The Politics of Intervention: The United States and Argentina, 1941–1946

1980 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-396 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. A. MacDonald
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Good Neighbor Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Large Material ◽  
Good Neighbor ◽  
The Military

In Argentina during World War II the US stepped outside the limits of the Good Neighbor policy proclaimed by the Roosevelt administration in 1933 and attempted to overthrow the government of a major Latin American power.1Between 1941 and 1945 Argentina was not only treated differently from the rest of Latin America by the United States, but was also singled out for harsher treatment than other neutrals, despite its large material contribution to the Allied cause. In 1944 Washington was readier to compromise with Franco's Spain, a country whose Axis connections were notorious, than it was to seek a settlement with the government in Buenos Aires.2The purpose of this paper is to examine the development of US interference in Argentine affairs after Pearl Harbor and the reasons for US hostility to the rise of Perón following the military coup of June 1943.

Military Entrepreneurs: Patterns in Latin America

2011 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Mani
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military ◽  
Latin American Countries

AbstractDespite the recent shift to democratic regimes and market-based economies, in many Latin American countries the military retains important economic roles as owner, manager, and stakeholder in economic enterprises. Such military entrepreneurship poses a challenge to the development of democratic civil-military relations and, by extension, to the development of liberal democracy in the region. While scholars have noted this situation with concern, they have given little attention to distinguishing the different types of military entrepreneurship, which reflect distinct historical patterns and implications. This article identifies two major types of military entrepreneurs in Latin America: industrializers, determined to build national defense capabilities and compete for international prestige; and nation builders, seeking to promote economic development that can foster social development and cohesion. Case studies of Argentina, Brazil, Cuba, and Ecuador demonstrate important differences between these two types in their origins, paths, and political consequences.

Militaries and Modern States

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirk Bowman
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Recent History ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Entire Region ◽  
Local Populations ◽  
The Military ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Over Time

This chapter presents the best cases to understand the construction of the widely held assumptions that all viable countries have institutionalized militaries: Costa Rica and Honduras in the period 1948 to 1958. It is in this political space and time that Costa Rica demilitarized and Honduras militarized. The chapter focuses on the domestic and international dynamics in these two cases that produced such variance in militarization. The cases show that the local populations in 1948–1958 did not consider the military to be a necessary institution in a modern country, and that this view was constructed over time in Honduras. Through the prism of recent history in Latin America, it may seem natural to assume that Latin American countries have always had powerful military institutions. But this assumption is completely inaccurate for nearly the entire region.

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