The English Cabinet Secretariat

1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 390-401
Author(s):  
Joseph R. Starr

No one of the many changes in the English constitution during the World War is more interesting than the establishment of the cabinet secretariat. The device came into being under the stress of war-time conditions, as a result of the complexity of the problems to be dealt with, and of the need for centralizing the activities of the government. Its retention after many other features of the war administration have proved only transitory is an example of the permanence that war-time institutions sometimes acquire.Before the war no minutes of cabinet meetings were kept. The only record of cabinet decisions was contained in the letter which the prime minister wrote with his own hand to the sovereign, reporting only those decisions which he thought should be brought to the sovereign's attention. A copy of each letter was kept for reference by the prime minister. Since it was considered bad form to take notes in cabinet meetings, individual members had to depend upon memory when proceeding to apply cabinet decisions in their own departments. Such procedure was unbusinesslike, and was one of the factors that rendered the cabinet system cumbrous and inefficient in the conduct of a great war. The War Cabinet needed an agency to prepare information for its consideration, to keep an accurate record of the many and vitally important decisions it made, and to transmit those decisions to the departments charged with ultimately carrying them into effect. Under such circumstances, the cabinet secretariat came into existence.

1938 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-487 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert B. Stewart

The British Dominions prior to the World War had already achieved practically unrestricted freedom with respect to technical and commercial treaties. They had not attained any comparable freedom with respect to “political” treaties. They were, with rare exceptions, excluded from participation in the conclusion of such treaties but were, nevertheless, bound automatically by the obligations undertaken by the mother country. The Government of the United Kingdom, subject to its responsibility to the Imperial Parliament at Westminster, exercised sole authority in all matters relating to the conduct of foreign policy, the maintenance of peace, and the declaration of war. That authority, Prime Minister Asquith declared at the Imperial Conference of 1911, could not be shared with the Dominions. Yet at the close of the War the Dominions were given separate representation at the Paris Peace Conference.


1967 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 35-55 ◽  

Bhabha’s death in an air crash on Mont Blanc on 24 January 1966, while he was on his way to Vienna for a meeting of the Scientific Advisory Committee of the International Atomic Energy Agency, lost to the world an outstanding scientist who was an imaginative administrator with a rich and many-sided personality and a great capacity for friendship. His scientific status in India was pre-eminent and for a decade or more before his death, his proposals on science and technology in India, especially for a large programme on the peaceful uses of atomic energy, were backed by the Government of India with unhesitating confidence. Scientists in India have felt a sense of loss so deep that nothing like it could happen again in a generation. The sense of loss was made even deeper by grief at the death thirteen days earlier, on 11 January 1966, of Prime Minister Lai Bahadur Shastri at Tashkent, only a few hours after signing the historic Tashkent Declaration, bringing peace to the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent. Many tributes from many countries have already been paid to Bhabha. They have come from people all over the world who were his friends and had worked with him in one or more of his wide fields of interests. He was a truly international figure of science and was known to everybody at the many international conferences which, somehow or other, he managed to attend without in any way neglecting his other multifarious duties and activities.


1917 ◽  
Vol 85 (17) ◽  
pp. 455-456

The following is the text of the resolutions which officially entered the United States into the world war:— “Whereas the imperial German government has committed repeated acts of war against the government and the people of the United States of America; therefore be it “Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in congress assembled, that the state of war between the United States and the imperial German government, which has thus been thrust upon the United States, is hereby formally declared; and that the President be and he is hereby authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the government to carry on war against the imperial German government; and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all of the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-235
Author(s):  
Olga S. Porshneva

This article examines how the historical memory of World War I emerged and developed in Russia, and also compares it to how Europeans have thought about the conflict. The author argues that the politics of memory differed during the Soviet and post-Soviet periods. In the wake of the 1917 Revolution, Bolshevik efforts to re-format the memory of the Great War were part of its attempt to create a new society and new man. At the same time, the regime used it to mobilize society for the impending conflict with the 'imperialist' powers. The key actors that sought to inculcate the notion of the war with imperialism into Soviet mass consciousness were the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Communist Party, the Department of Agitation and Propaganda, and, in particular, the Red Army and Comintern. The latter two worked together to organize the major campaigns dedicated to war anniversaries, which were important both to reinforce the concept of imperialist war as well as to involve the masses in public commemorations, rituals and practices. The Soviet state also relied on organizations of war veterans to promote such commemorative practices while suppressing any alternative narratives. The article goes on to explain how, under Stalin, the government began to change the way it portrayed the Great War in the mid-1930s. And after the Second World War, Soviet politics of memory differed greatly from those in the West. In the USSR the Great Patriotic War was sacralized, while the earlier conflict remained a symbol of unjust imperialist wars.


2018 ◽  
pp. 130-138
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Chornyi

The article analyses one of the most grievous chapters in the history of Ukrainian nation – the Great Famine (Holodomor) of 1932–1933. It is referred to the massive famine that was deliberately organized by the Soviet authorities, which led to many millions hu-man losses in the rural area in the territory of the Ukrainian SSR and Kuban. Planned confiscation of grain crops and other food products from villagers by the representatives of the Soviet authorities led to a multimillion hunger massacre of people in rural area. At the same time, the Soviet government had significant reserves of grain in warehouses and exported it abroad, since without collectivization and Ukrainian bread it was impossible to launch the industrialization that demanded Ukrainian grain to be contributed to foreigners in return for their assistance. Ukrainian grain turned into currency. The authorities of that time refused to accept foreign assistance for starving people and simultaneously banned and blocked their leaving outside the Ukrainian SSR. The so-called “barrier troops” were organized in order to prevent hungry people from flee to the freedom and not let anyone enter the starving area. The situation is characterized by the fact that the idea and practice of barrier troops tested on Ukrainians were lately used on the battlefields of the World War II. Among three Holodomors, the government did not conceal only the first one (1921–1922), as it could be blamed on the tsarist regime that brought the villagers to the poverty, and post-war devastation. The famine of 1946–1947 was silenced, but the population generally perceived it as a clear consequence of two horrendous misfortunes – the World War II and dreadful drought. Especially rigid was position of the government regarding the very fact of genocide in 1933–1933 not only its scale. The author emphasizes that the Great Famine is refused to be admitted not because it was unreal but to avoid the assessment of its special direction against Ukraine and Ukrainian nation, saying instead that it affected the fate of all nations. The article describes the renovation of internal passports system and the obligatory registration at a certain address that took place in the USSR in 1932. Decree of the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR stipulated the fact that people living in rural areas should not obtain passports. Therefore, collective farmers of the Ukrainian SSR actually did not obtain passports. The villagers were forbidden to leave collective farms without signed agreement with the employer, that deprived them of the right to free movement. Even after the introduction of labour books the collective farmers did not obtain them either. The author describes the destruction of the collective farms system that his parents dedicated their entire labour life to. Instead of preserving productive forces, material and technical base and introducing new forms of agrarian sector management and the whole society to the development path, this system has been thoughtlessly destroying and plundering. Keywords: Holodomor, Ukrainian villagers, collectivization, genocide, confiscation, barrier troops.


Res Publica ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 201231
Author(s):  
Ivan Couttenier

In 1987 the Martens center-right cabinet had to resign over the perennial Fourons issue. The many painstakingly reached compromises each time met strong opposition from the Francophone Social Christian Party (PSC) and its ministers on the government benches. Once the government resignation accepted by the King, Parliament was dissolved and elections were held. They resulted in a Socialist victory, and a personaldefeat for Prime Minister Martens. In the election aftermath, a cabinet of Christian Democrats and Socialists became more likely.Because of the Fourons issue, the Cabinet found hardly time to address their other issues, and many of the decisions it reached were never implemented because of the government crisis ; e.g. the tax reform plan.The most important decision in the international field was the sending of minesweepers to the Gulf.


Author(s):  
Nicholas A. Lambert

The world war that began in the summer of 1914 confirmed widespread prewar expectations that a third war in the Balkans could drag in the superpowers. In the weeks that followed, Turkey, still neutral, became increasingly belligerent. British government policy was to appease Turkey in order to avoid conflict. Churchill disagreed with this policy, believing that war with Turkey was unavoidable and that the sooner it came, the better. At his instigation, the government reviewed contingency war plans to capture the Gallipoli but found that Britain lacked the resources to implement them. After Turkey joined the Central Powers in November 1914, Britain had no strategy for prosecuting the war against Turkey. But the British government was not much concerned, incorrectly believing that Turkey was incapable of hurting any vital British interests.


2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexis Downe

Since the Napoleonic Code of 1804 we have seen republics, monarchies and empires coming and going; local and world wars; revolutions, from the industrial to the informational; and our society has moved from an economy based on agriculture to one open to the world, based on tertiary services. In all this time, French contract law has been able to stay up and keep up to date with the many changes in society, thanks to the judicial interpretation of the various articles of the French civil code and the generality of its articles. There have been many previous attempts to reform French contract law but its principles, forged in 1804, have escaped unscathed, except for certain transpositions of European directives. This article focuses on an academic point of view with regards the reforms to the French civil code that will bring private contract law into line with modern international standards. This is the first step in a series of broader changes the government is making to the French law of obligations. This reform is said to have both adapted and revolutionised French contract law and merits scholarly attention.


Leadership ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suze Wilson

This case study analyses the leadership approach and practices of the New Zealand government, led by Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, in the response thus far to the COVID-19 pandemic. It reports on how a shared sense of purpose has been established, that of minimizing harm to lives and livelihoods, for which the government has sought – and secured – New Zealanders’ commitment. Key leadership practices comprise the government’s willingness to themselves be led by expertise, its efforts to mobilise the population, and to enable coping, all of which serve to build the trust in leadership needed for transformative, collective action such as the pandemic demands. At the time of writing, New Zealand appears well on track to achieve its ambitious goal of achieving rapid and complete control over the COVID-19 outbreak – not just ‘flattening the curve’ as other countries are struggling to do – at least in part due to these leadership contributions. A framework of good practices for pandemic leadership is offered drawn from this case study, in the hope transferable lessons can be taken to aid others in the continuing struggle to limit the harm COVID-19 poses to lives and livelihoods throughout the world.


The Associated Electrical Industries Ltd. comprises a group of independent companies concerned with the manufacture of prime movers, generators, power-transmission equipment and practically every kind of electricity-consuming device. The two largest of the group of companies are the Metropolitan-Vickers Electrical Co. Ltd. at Trafford Park, Manchester, and the British Thomson-Houston Co. Ltd. at Rugby. While there are research facilities in each of the companies of the group, research has until recently been concentrated very largely in the laboratories of the two main companies, the laboratories being separate autonomous bodies independently directed. Both these laboratories have been developed since World War I and both played no insignificant part in the last war. Accounts of each are being presented by Mr Churcher and Mr Davies. I should like to make brief mention of one matter about which there is frequent misunderstanding. It is often said that industry takes the best men from the universities, but my experience has shown that this traffic is in fact two-way. It is true that our companies take hundreds of young graduate engineers from universities all over the world, and of these a good selection is recruited to the research departments; but from our laboratories have also gone very many trained scientists into a large number of university positions, over a score into professorial chairs and senior positions throughout the government scientific services. It is my profound conviction that this flow in both directions is most desirable and should be encouraged as much as possible.


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