The House Appropriations Committee as a Political System: The Problem of Integration

1962 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 310-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard F. Fenno
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Congressional Committee ◽  
Congressional Committees ◽  
Internal Relations ◽  
Political Subsystem ◽  
Functional Problems

Studies of Congress by political scientists have produced a time-tested consensus on the very considerable power and autonomy of Congressional committees. Because of these two related characteristics, it makes empirical and analytical sense to treat the Congressional committee as a discrete unit for analysis. This paper conceives of the committee as a political system (or, more accurately as a political subsystem) faced with a number of basic problems which it must solve in order to achieve its goals and maintain itself. Generally speaking these functional problems pertain to the environmental and the internal relations of the committee. This study is concerned almost exclusively with the internal problems of the committee and particularly with the problem of self-integration. It describes how one congressional committee—The Committee on Appropriations of the House of Representatives—has dealt with this problem in the period 1947–1961. Its purpose is to add to our understanding of appropriations politics in Congress and to suggest the usefulness of this type of analysis for studying the activities of any congressional committee.

The Impact of Political System and Culture on Political Advertising

2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chun-Sik Kim
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Advertising ◽  
The United States ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Daily Newspapers ◽  
Study Results ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

This study examines the impact of political system and culture on political advertising of the United States, Japan and Korea. The population of this study was defined as all political ads appearing in major daily newspapers during the 1963–1997 presidential election campaigns in the U.S. and Korea, and the House of Representatives' election campaigns in Japan. A total of 695 political newspaper ads were content-analyzed in this study. Results of the study showed that there were differences in types, valences and appeals of political advertising of the U.S., Japan and Korea. Also, discussions based on study results showed mixed and intertwined arguments against or for the expectations for this study.

The Vanishing Marginals and Electoral Responsiveness

1992 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Ansolabehere ◽  
David Brady ◽  
Morris Fiorina
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Political System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Divided Government ◽  
Sharp Decline ◽  
The Us ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Safe House

Nearly two decades ago researchers pointed out the sharp decline in marginal districts in elections for the US House of Representatives. That observation led to an outpouring of research describing the electoral changes, explaining their bases and speculating about their consequences for the larger political system. Recently Gary Jacobson has offered a major corrective to that line of research, arguing that ‘House incumbents are no safer now than they were in the 1950s; the marginals, properly defined, have not vanished; the swing ratio has diminished little, if at all; and competition for House seats held by incumbents has not declined’. While Jacobson advances an extremely provocative argument, there are complicating patterns in his evidence that support additional and/or different interpretations. We argue that the marginals, ‘properly defined’ have diminished, the swing ratio has declined, and party competition for House seats held by incumbents has lessened. While fears that the vanishing marginals phenomenon would lead to lower responsiveness on the part of ‘safe’ House incumbents have proved groundless, the collective composition of Congress does appear to be less responsive to changes in popular sentiments. Thus, the vanishing marginals have contributed to the occurrence of divided government in the United States and in all likelihood do have the effects on congressional leadership and policy-making that many analysts have claimed.

The Institutionalization of the U.S. House of Representatives

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelson W. Polsby
Keyword(s):  
Resource Allocation ◽  
Problem Solving ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Resource Allocation Problem ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The U.S

Most people who study politics are in general agreement, it seems to me, on at least two propositions. First, we agree that for a political system to be viable, for it to succeed in performing tasks of authoritative resource allocation, problem solving, conflict settlement, and so on, in behalf of a population of any substantial size, it must be institutionalized. That is to say, organizations must be created and sustained that are specialized to political activity.1 Otherwise, the political system is likely to be unstable, weak, and incapable of servicing the demands or protecting the interests of its constituent groups. Secondly, it is generally agreed that for a political system to be in some sense free and democratic, means must be found for institutionalizing representativeness with all the diversity that this implies, and for legitimizing yet at the same time containing political opposition within the system.2Our growing interest in both of these propositions, and in the problems to which they point, can begin to suggest the importance of studying one of the very few extant examples of a highly specialized political institution which over the long run has succeeded in representing a large number of diverse constituents, and in legitimizing, expressing, and containing political opposition within a complex political system—namely, the U.S. House of Representatives.The focus of my attention here will be first of all descriptive, drawing together disparate strands—some of which already exist in the literature3—in an attempt to show in what sense we may regard the House as an institutionalized organ of government. Not all the necessary work has been done on this rather difficult descriptive problem, as I shall indicate. Secondly, I shall offer a number of speculative observations about causes, consequences, and possible lessons to be draw from the institutionalization of the House.

The Institutionalization of the U.S. House of Representatives

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelson W. Polsby
Keyword(s):  
Resource Allocation ◽  
Problem Solving ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Allocation Problem ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Resource Allocation Problem ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
The U.S

Most people who study politics are in general agreement, it seems to me, on at least two propositions. First, we agree that for a political system to be viable, for it to succeed in performing tasks of authoritative resource allocation, problem solving, conflict settlement, and so on, in behalf of a population of any substantial size, it must be institutionalized. That is to say, organizations must be created and sustained that are specialized to political activity. Otherwise, the political system is likely to be unstable, weak, and incapable of servicing the demands or protecting the interests of its constituent groups. Secondly, it is generally agreed that for a political system to be in some sense free and democratic, means must be found for institutionalizing representativeness with all the diversity that this implies, and for legitimizing yet at the same time containing political opposition within the system.

scholarly journals Continuity and Change in the New Zealand Parliament

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
John Halligan
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The World ◽  
Successive Generations

<p>Few legislatures in the world can claim a continuous existence as long as that of the New Zealand House of Representatives. The basic forms and procedures inherited from the House of Commons in the middle of last centure have persisted until the present. Formal changes to the rules have occurred intermittently during its history although the content of its work has altered. Because of the centrality of the House to the parliamentary system of government and its adaptability to the needs of successive generations of politicians, it has continued to play an important role in the political system.</p>

scholarly journals Women’s Representation in Politics: Case Study of Women Legislative Member in Regional of Representatives Nusa Tenggara Timur Period of 2014-2019

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Audra Jovani
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Female Representation ◽  
Case Study Method ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Important Indicator ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
Women In Parliament

This article explores women’s representation in politics in the Province of East Nusa Tenggara (Nusa Tenggara Timur/NTT) between 2014 and 2019. Since 2004, Indonesia has seen the implementation of a strategy to boost the level of female representation in parliament through affirmative action. However, the 30% target quote has not yet been achieved. Women’s representation in politics is an important indicator in the political system reflecting a recognition of the existence and interests of women as citizens. The success of the initiative is highlighted by the fact that the 2014 legislative elections saw female representation in the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD NTT) increase by 100% from the 2009 election representation levels. Using the case study method and analyzing the process, this article argues that NTT women already have the awareness to actively participate in politics and become party representatives and legislative members. The presence of women in parliament is necessary to achieve gender equality and improve women’s welfare through gender-responsive policies. Keywords: representation, politics, women, east nusa tenggara

scholarly journals Tinjauan Trias Politika Terhadap Terbentuknya Sistem Politik dan Pemerintahan di Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 58-69
Author(s):  
Ruhenda Ruhenda ◽  
Heldi Heldi ◽  
Hasan Mustapa ◽  
Muhammad Andi Septiadi
Keyword(s):  
Literature Review ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Power Distribution ◽  
Political System ◽  
John Locke ◽  
Qualitative Approach

Penerapan Trias Politika mempunyai beberapa khas tertentu di setiap negara tidak terkecuali Indonesia. Walau tidak secara resmi menyatakan menggunakan konsep-konsep Trias Politika namun apabila dilihat dalam UUD 1945 ternyata Indonesia juga mengacu pada konsep Trias Politika. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk meninjau konsep Trias Politika menurut John Locke dan Montesquieu terhadap terbentuknya sistem politik di Indonesia. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif serta menggunakan metode Kajian Pustaka, penulis mencari berbagai referensi dari sumber-sumber utama dan menyimpulkan bahwa konsep pembagian kekuasaan yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia cenderung mendekati konsep yang dikemukakan oleh Montesquieu dengan sedikit berbeda pada pemisahan tugas Eksekutif dan Legislatif dimana di Indonesia Presiden dapat mengusulkan rancangan Undang-Undang kepada Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat serta memberlakukan kekuasaan Eksaminatif yaitu kekuasaan mandiri dalam pemeriksaan keuangan negara.The implementation of Trias Politica has certain characteristics in every country, including Indonesia. However, Indonesia does not officially declare to use Trias Politica concepts, but as seen from 1945, Indonesia's Constitution refers to a Trias Politica concept. According to John Lock and Montesquieu, this study aims to review the concept of Trias Politica for the formation of a political system in Indonesia. Using a qualitative approach and using the Literature Review method, the writer seeks various references from major sources and concludes that the concept of power distribution carried out by Indonesia tends to approach the concept put forward by Montesquieu only slightly different in the separation of executive and legislative duties in Indonesia where the president can propose a bill to the House of Representatives and in Indonesia impose an examination power, namely an independent power in the examination of state finances.

Introduction

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffery A. Jenkins ◽  
Charles Stewart
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Organizational Politics ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Majority Party ◽  
History Of ◽  
The U.S

This book investigates the history of organizational politics in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1789 to the present. It argues that the history of how speakership elections developed was driven by a desire to establish an organizational cartel in the House. It examines the centrality of the party caucus for the organization of the House, and more specifically how the majority party came to own the chief House officers, especially the Speaker. It also discusses two themes about Congress and its role in the American political system: the construction of mass political parties in the early nineteenth century and the role that political parties play in guiding the agenda of Congress today. This chapter provides an overview of the data and methods used by the book as well as the chapters that follow.

Extreme Advocacy Leadership in the Pre-Reform House: Wright Patman and the House Banking and Currency Committee

1985 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
John E. Owens
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
Congressional Committees ◽  
Rules Committee ◽  
Armed Services Committee ◽  
Advocacy Leadership ◽  
Armed Services ◽  
Bear Witness

Committee chairmen in the United States House of Representatives were often very powerful figures until the reforms of the early 1970s – as the numerous tales about those stereotyped villains, the southern Democrats, bear witness. Yet, surprisingly little explicit typologizing about leadership in congressional committees appears in the academic literature despite a growing awareness of the different goals which congressmen pursue and the variety of environments in which they operate. Just two different models of chairmen's power were developed in the context of the pre-reform Congress. In the 1950s and early 1960s, the accepted view, perhaps caricature, was that committee chairmen were autocratic, obstructionist (at least as far as liberals were concerned), conservative, possibly senile, and more than likely representative of constituencies outside the mainstream of national politics. A list of chairmen seen as fitting into this mould would include men such as ‘Judge’ Howard Smith, chairman of the Rules Committee from 1955 to 1967; his somewhat less skilful successor from 1967 to 1972, William Colmer of Mississippi; Graham Barden, the provocative chairman of the Education and Labor Committee between 1953 and 1960; and the authoritative Carl Vinson of Georgia, chairman of the Armed Services Committee for seventeen years until 1966.

scholarly journals Continuity and Change in the New Zealand Parliament

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
John Halligan
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The World ◽  
Successive Generations

<p>Few legislatures in the world can claim a continuous existence as long as that of the New Zealand House of Representatives. The basic forms and procedures inherited from the House of Commons in the middle of last centure have persisted until the present. Formal changes to the rules have occurred intermittently during its history although the content of its work has altered. Because of the centrality of the House to the parliamentary system of government and its adaptability to the needs of successive generations of politicians, it has continued to play an important role in the political system.</p>

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