Political Parties, Interest Representation and Economic Development in Poland

1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 1239-1245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerzy J. Wiatr
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Interest Representation ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Mixed Types

Discussing the character of the Polish party system elsewhere, I have suggested a label of “hegemonic party system” for it, as well as for some other party systems based on similar principles. The hegemonic party systems stand mid-way between the mono-party systems and the dominant party systems as defined by Maurice Duverger. In an earlier paper written jointly with Rajni Kothari we have suggested the following typology of party systems:1. Alternative party systems, where two or more political parties compete for political power with realistic chances of success;2. Consensus party systems, where multi-partism does exist but one political party commands in a lasting way the loyalties of a predominant majority of the citizens and permanently runs the government;3. Hegemonic party systems, where all the existing parties form a lasting coalition within which one of them is accepted as the leading force of the coalition;4. Mono-party systems;5. Suspended party systems, where political parties exist but are prevented from regulating political life by other forces (for instance, by the military);6. Non-party systems, where the government is ideologically hostile toward the political parties as such and does not permit them to function.Quite obviously, this typology does not exclude mixed types of party systems. On the contrary, the very fact that in political life nothing is absolutely permanent leads to the emergence of transitory types of party systems.

scholarly journals FEATURES OF THE FORMATION OF THE PARTY SYSTEM OF MODERN UKRAINE

2018 ◽  
pp. 8-15
Author(s):  
Іvan Pobochiy
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
National Interests ◽  
New Parties ◽  
The Public

The level of social harmony in society and the development of democracy depends to a large extent on the level of development of parties, their ideological and political orientation, methods and means of action. The purpose of the article is to study the party system of Ukraine and directions of its development, which is extremely complex and controversial. The methods. The research has led to the use of such scientific search methods as a system that allowed the party system of Ukraine to be considered as a holistic organism, and the historical and political method proved to be very effective in analyzing the historical preconditions and peculiarities of the formation of the party system. The results. The incompetent, colonial past and the associated cruel national oppression, terror, famine, and violent Russification caused the contradictory and dramatic nature of modernization, the actual absence of social groups and their leaders interested in it, and the relatively passive reaction of society to the challenges of history. Officials have been nominated by mafia clans, who were supposed to protect their interests and pursue their policies. Political struggle in the state took place not between influential political parties, but between territorial-regional clans. The party system of Ukraine after the Maidan and the beginning of the war on the Donbass were undergoing significant changes. On the political scene, new parties emerged in the course of the protests and after their completion — «Petro Poroshenko Bloc», «People’s Front», «Self-help»), which to some extent became spokespeople for not regional, but national interests. Pro-European direction is the main feature of the leading political parties that have formed a coalition in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Conclusion. The party system of Ukraine as a result of social processes is at the beginning of a new stage in its development, an important feature of which is the increase in the influence of society (direct and indirect) on the political life of the state. Obviously, there is a demand from the public for the emergence of new politicians, new leaders and new political forces that citizens would like to see first and foremost speakers and defenders of their interests.

Trade, societal interests, and political parties

2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-338
Author(s):  
Wonjae Hwang ◽  
Ian Down
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
The Political ◽  
Effective Number ◽  
Factor Mobility ◽  
System A ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
The Empirical Analysis ◽  
Societal Interests

We argue that international trade affects party systems but that this impact is conditioned on the types of societal interests trade brings about. When factor mobility is high, trade promotes class-based grievances that are unlikely to affect the structure of the party system. However, when factor mobility is low, trade will increase the diversity of group interests and policy preferences, thereby pressuring structural change in the party system. A consequence is an increase in the effective number of political parties. The empirical analysis supports these expectations. This paper contributes to our understanding of the political impact of economic liberalization on representative democracy.

scholarly journals Institutionalization of the Czech and Slovenian party system

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 244-265
Author(s):  
Alena Klvaňová
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
System Stability ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Scene

Abstract For the past two decades, the characteristic feature of the Czech Republic and the Republic of Slovenia’s party system has been relatively invariable and closed to fundamental change. In both cases, there has been a distortion of the change and its nature which occurred around 2010, when new political entities began to emerge on the political scene. These entities have received support from a large part of the electorate. The reason for the success of the new political parties is mainly related to the dissatisfaction of the Czech and Slovenian public with the political situation and the conviction of citizens about the widespread corruption among public officials. The success of the newly formed entities caused the decline of primarily established parties. The aim of this article is to determine the effect of these changes on the party systems, and simultaneously to answer the question, to what extent both party systems are institutionalized. The answer to this question can be obtained by measuring the extend of institutionalization of party systems based on three criteria, which are incorporation of political parties in the party system, party system stability and quality of party competition.

scholarly journals The Analysis of Coalition Parties´ Election Programme Fulfillment: Czech Case Study

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ondřej Kuba ◽  
Jan Stejskal
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Input Data ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Statement ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
The Government ◽  
Democratic Systems

In multi-party democratic systems, where there is no absolute majority, the political parties are forced to cooperate. The cooperation is built on negotiations that result in several side effects including also concessions and compromises in the program. This analysis focused on the fulfillment of the coalition party promises in the Czech Republic, specifically on Prime Minister Bohuslav Sobotka´s government. The input data of the research consisted of a prepared set of testable political promises from the pre-election programs of selected political parties. The promises were compared with the contents of the coalition agreement, the government’s policy statement. It was found that coalition political parties selected by the government within the framework of coalition cooperation managed to enforce approximately 36 % of their election promises. At the program level, 24 % of promises were enforced. In areas that increase the personal budget of voters, government political parties have pushed 76 % of promises. Regardless of their cooperation, they made approx. 52 % of the election promises during the parliamentary term. The dominant party of the government was the CSSD.

scholarly journals Sudan’s Political Spiral

2019 ◽  
pp. 14-30
Author(s):  
Vladilen Gusarov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Transitional Period ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Final Version ◽  
Progressive Movement ◽  
The Military

During more than six dozen years after the achievement of the independence in 1956 Sudan has suffered a very complicated political evolution. The forms of rule in the country have many times changed from the parliamentary democracy to the military dictatorship; and the political life has developed not as a stable progressive movement, but practically as a spiral, with its turns going both up and down. At the same time, the essence of the forms of government remained the same: the domination of the representatives of the feudal lords and the bourgeoisie, their various coalitions represented by different political parties. In 2018, as a result of the sharply aggravated economic crisis, anti-government protests began across the country, caused by rising prices for bread and other essential products. The protests turned into demands for President Bashir’s resignation. On 11 April, he and his Deputy Ahmed Haroon were removed from power and arrested. The country was to be governed for two years by the Transitional Military Council (TMC), which was headed by defense Minister Awad Mohammed Ahmed Ibn Auf. However, due to contradictions between the army command and the opposition, Auf resigned on 13 April, and Abdel Fattah al-Burhan took his place. New attempts of coups continue to the present time. On the 17 of August the negotiations between the TMC and the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) were finished by signing several agreements. Among them was the Constitutional Declaration and the Agreement of the transitional period. The Constitutional Declaration is fixing the main terms of so called transitional period in Sudan and will be the main legislative base for gradual transmission of the power from the militaries to the civil forces. The document has the principles on which the main organs the power would coordinate their actions. The sides also accepted the final version of the project of the political agreement of the transitional period. The main principles of the political structure of Sudan are fixed in it. The article is devoted to the description and understanding of the various coalitions represented by different political parties.

scholarly journals The dynamics and existence of Islamic party in 2019 General Election: Case Study of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS)

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-428
Author(s):  
Muh Haris ◽  
Yuwanto Yuwanto ◽  
Teguh Yuwono ◽  
Nur Hidayat Sardini
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Party System ◽  
General Election ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fast Time ◽  
Regeneration System ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

The development of Islam in the political arena in Indonesia is interesting to be analyzed comprehensively. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the existence of Islamic political parties after the 2019 simultaneous general elections. The main problem in political life in Indonesia is the decline of public trust in political parties. One of the main reasons is the corruption case that ensnared politicians. The presence of Islamic political parties is hopefully able to bring a change and alter the ugly stigma from the society towards the political parties. The method used in this paper is a qualitative method with a case study of PKS as a participant in the 2019 simultaneous general election, using an institutional assessment of the existence of political parties. The dynamics and existence of PKS before the 2019 general election were categorically high. It means that the PKS movement was active in society by offering strategic programs and policies for voters. PKS has a structured party system starting from the regeneration system to constituent treatment that can increase the number of voters in the 2019 elections. This research concludes that regeneration carried out through tarbiyah is able to instill party ideology in cadres, but fails to raise the party in a fast time. Based on the political dynamics of PKS during the Jokowi-JK administration period 2014-2019, identity politics was able to increase voter participation and increase PKS votes in the 2019 elections.

scholarly journals The dynamics and existence of Islamic party in 2019 general election: case study of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS)

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-432
Author(s):  
Muh Haris ◽  
Yuwanto Yuwanto ◽  
Teguh Yuwono ◽  
Nur Hidayat Sardini
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Party System ◽  
General Election ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fast Time ◽  
Regeneration System ◽  
Islamic Political Parties

The development of Islam in the political arena in Indonesia is interesting to be analyzed comprehensively. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the existence of Islamic political parties after the 2019 simultaneous general elections. The main problem in political life in Indonesia is the decline of public trust in political parties. One of the main reasons is the corruption case that ensnared politicians. The presence of Islamic political parties is hopefully able to bring a change and alter the ugly stigma from the society towards the political parties. The method used in this paper is a qualitative method with a case study of PKS as a participant in the 2019 simultaneous general election, using an institutional assessment of the existence of political parties. The dynamics and existence of PKS before the 2019 general election were categorically high. It means that the PKS movement was active in society by offering strategic programs and policies for voters. PKS has a structured party system starting from the regeneration system to constituent treatment that can increase the number of voters in the 2019 elections. This research concludes that regeneration carried out through tarbiyah is able to instill party ideology in cadres, but fails to raise the party in a fast time. Based on the political dynamics of PKS during the Jokowi-JK administration period 2014-2019, identity politics was able to increase voter participation and increase PKS votes in the 2019 elections.

scholarly journals Democracy in Pakistan: Value Change and Challenges of Institution Building

1998 ◽  
Vol 37 (4II) ◽  
pp. 281-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saeed Shafqat
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Institution Building ◽  
Value Change ◽  
Constitutional History ◽  
Interest Representation ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
Weak Party

Democracy as a system of governance and interest representation demands respect for dissent and opposition. It recognises the principle of majority rule and guarantees protection of minorities. Democracy also builds faith in electoral contestation to gain public office and gives legitimacy to political parties as primary instruments for acquisition and transfer of power from one set of individuals to another. Unfortunately, despite the significance of the above elements, no serious studies have been undertaken on Pakistan’s experimentation with democracy. Given a history of weak party system and prolonged military rule, most of the studies focus on the military, political parties, constitutional history, or in a descriptive way, attribute the failure of democracy to the inadequacies of the politicians [Ahmed (1987); Rizvi (1987); Callard (1957) and Afzal (1976)]. It is only recently that some theoretically meaningful and rigorous empirical writings have appeared on elections, procedures and practices of electoral contestation and on problems of transition from authoritarian regimes towards democracy [Waseem (1989); Wilder (1995); Talyor (1992); Rais (1997) and Shafqat (1997)].

scholarly journals Political Leadership Transmission Practices by The Political Parties from 2006: A Study of Democracy in Bangladesh

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 308
Author(s):  
Mohammad Eisa Ruhullah ◽  
Titin Purwaningsih
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Power Transmission ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Election System ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
Election Commission

The researcher aimed to study the democratic process of the practices of the political parties of Bangladesh on Power Transmission since 2006. The study applied the qualitative descriptive method. This article aimed to measure the democratic process, power transmission, and the systematic crisis of the political parties with their wings. The investigation found that the practices of the parties are not purely democratic since the independence of the country. The government is mostly entitled by the two significant parties though there is a showcase of democratic elections. The election commission is responsible for the fair election, but unfortunately, that is not independent at all. Moreover, the most significant issue is the distrust amongst authorities. That is why there are constitutional changes usually happen due to dishonesty under the dominant party. The Study refers to the amendment of the 15th constitutional practice, making the election system unfair because the election was happening while the current government still controls the systems. It makes the opposition not to trust in the election commission. Thus, the country needs to have a non-dominant electoral mechanism and back to the amendment of the 13th old practices to make sure the democracy and transparency of the leadership in the country by the fair election. Furthermore, it will ensure the stability and the commitment of all bureaucrats to fulfill their services properly without any kind of influence.

Legislative Parties in Volatile, Nonprogrammatic Party Systems: The Peruvian Case in Comparative Perspective

2011 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 57-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo Alemán ◽  
Aldo F. Ponce ◽  
Iñaki Sagarzazu
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
The United States ◽  
Legislative Voting ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Empirical Analysis ◽  
Weak Party ◽  
Legislative Parties

AbstractThis article extends the analysis of political parties in electorally volatile and organizationally weak party systems by evaluating two implications centered on legislative voting behavior. First, it examines whether disunity prevails where weakness of programmatic and electoral commonalities abound. Second, it analyzes whether inchoate party systems weaken the ability of government parties to control the congressional agenda. The empirical analysis centers on Peru, a classic example of a weakly institutionalized party system, and how its legislative parties compare to those of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and the United States. The results lend support to the view that lower unity characterizes weakly institutionalized settings. The agenda-setting power of government parties, however, appears to be influenced more by the majority status of the government than by the level of party system institutionalization.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document