Public Goods, Private Interests, and Representation

1989 ◽  
Vol 83 (4) ◽  
pp. 1143-1164 ◽  
Author(s):  
John E. Jackson ◽  
David C. King

We estimate a model of House members' roll call voting decisions embodying some hypotheses about representation, including estimates of the influence of district opinion on broad collective issues relative to personal economic interests, of the effect of electoral security on constituency responsiveness, and of the difference in constituency and party voting among Republicans and Democrats. This model is estimated with votes taken during deliberations on the 1978 Tax Reform Act, important because it was a significant change from the tax reforms passed in the late 1960s and 1970s, marked the first appearance of the Kemp-Roth proposed tax cut, and represented a concerted effort by Republicans to make tax policy a broad national issue. Findings indicate that constituent preferences for redistribution are important influences on representatives' decisions and that Republicans exhibited a greater degree of party voting than the Democrats while the Democrats better represented their constituent's preferences.

1976 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 1156-1171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helmut Norpoth

Partisanship has often been noted as one of the most conspicuous factors in legislative voting in the U.S. Congress. This paper attempts to trace party voting to shared policy goals. After the mean attitudes of congressmen belonging to the same party were ascertained for a number of policy domains, the effect of mean party attitudes on roll-call voting was estimated by regression analysis, taking into account the deviation of individual congressmen from their respective mean party attitudes. The results demonstrate that in all three policy domains examined, i.e., social welfare, civil rights, and foreign policy, shared party attitudes leave a strong imprint on individual roll-call decisions. The voting decisions of congressmen, in fact, are found to owe more to the shared party attitudes than to their own individual attitudes. The paper also explores the communication process through which shared policy attitudes are translated within Congress into partisan roll-call votes and points to a way of reconciling the “predispositional” and the “interactional” approach to legislative decision making.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Qian Li

AbstractThis paper introduces durables into a dynamic general equilibrium overlapping generation model with idiosyncratic income shocks and endogenous borrowing constraints, which depend on durables. The aim of this paper is to evaluate the welfare effects of consumption tax reforms in a richer model that captures the difference between nondurable and durable consumption. When durables are considered, the standard results that a shift to consumption taxes is welfare improving are overturned. The mechanism of this opposing result is that consumption tax makes durable consumption more expensive without relaxing the borrowing constraint. The inability of borrowing to insure against income risk deviates the economy further away from market completeness and particularly hurts young and poor households. As a result, welfare decreases, coupled with negative redistribution.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Devi Dhian Cahyati

AbstractThis paper describes the formation of defence area that often triggers agrarian questions at local level. The determination of defence area frequently aroused conflicts with local community having evidence of land ownership and cultivating the land for productive purposes. Ironically, military power, as an instrument for national defence claimed those land and use it for economic interests. This research uses qualitative method. Data collection was conducted by literature study, in-depth interviews and observation. This paper concludes that military defence was used as a tool to secure economic interests of the Colonial Government in colonial era. Furthermore, Indonesian military following this pattern in post-reform era. This means that there is a dislocation of authority when the Military uses public assets for their private interests.    Intisari Tulisan ini menjelaskan mengenai pembentukan wilayah pertahanan yang sering kali memicu persoalan agraria di ranah lokal. Penentuan wilayah pertahanan sering kali memunculkan persoalan dengan masyarakat lokal yang memiliki bukti kepemilikan tanah dan menggunakan tanah tersebut untuk kegiatan produktif. Militer sebagai alat pertahanan negara secara ironis melakukan klaim tanah dan memanfaatkan tanah untuk kepentingan ekonomi mereka. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan metode pengumpulan data melaluistudi pustaka, wawancara mendalam dan observasi. Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa pertahanan menjadi alat untuk mengamankan kepentingan ekonomi pemerintah kolonial dan diikuti oleh militer Indonesia pasca reformasi. Artinya terjadi dislokasi wewenang ketika militer menggunakan aset publik untuk kepentingan privat. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 (3) ◽  
pp. 426-441 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mazhar Waseem

Using a series of Pakistani tax reforms and administrative records, I document that taxable income responses induced by to-zero tax cuts are orders of magnitude larger than ones induced by similar-sized other cuts. This finding is remarkably robust to alternative specifications and holds for both the self-employed and wage earners. I explore salience, selective enforcement, and discontinuous evasion costs as explanations of the observed behavior. I find that the data favor the last explanation. The difference between the two sets of responses is primarily driven by a large, discrete tax evasion response, which is included in the former but not in the latter behavior. I estimate the difference as a lower bound on tax evasion, showing that at least 70% of the income of low- and middle-income self-employed and 1% of low-income wage earners goes unreported.


1969 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 34-49
Author(s):  
J. Ryan Davis

East Asian regionalism is a dynamic process changing the political and economic environment of an increasingly important area of the world. The region has experienced a variety of cooperation mechanisms, including post-war American-led regionalism, the closed regionalism of the 1960s and 1970s, and the new regionalism of the 1980s and 1990s. Yet it was the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis that forced East Asia to embark on a deliberate and concerted effort to construct a regional architecture. Recent successes demonstrate the determination with which this task has been undertaken. The process has also attracted a considerable amount of attention. Despite some overly critical opinions, East Asian regionalism today should be recognized as a decidedly unique process with great deal of promise for the future.


Philosophy ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fiona Woollard

According to common-sense morality, the difference between doing and allowing harm matters morally. Doing harm can be wrong when merely allowing harm would not be, even if all other factors are equal: the level of harm is the same, the agent’s motivation is the same, the cost to the agent of avoiding countenancing harm is the same, and so on. Suppose that you have accidentally swallowed poison and you need to get to hospital urgently. It might be permissible for you to refuse to stop and help if you spot Sarah drowning, but impermissible for you to push her into a river to clear your way to the hospital. Without this moral distinction between doing and allowing, it seems likely that our everyday morality would look very different. Treating doing and allowing harm as equivalent seems to leave us with a morality that is either much more permissive than we normally think it is (permitting us to do harm to others to avoid personal sacrifices) or much more demanding (requiring us to prevent harm to others even at great personal sacrifice). Yet the moral significance of the distinction is highly controversial. When serious harm to others is at stake, it may seem puzzling that it should matter whether the harm is done or merely allowed. Powerful critics have argued that the distinction is morally irrelevant. Others have charged that the distinction itself falls apart under scrutiny: our intuitions about whether behavior counts as doing or allowing harm do not reflect any clear, nonmoral distinction. Much of the early contemporary debate on the moral relevance of the distinction between doing and allowing harm focused on appeals to intuitions. We are asked to examine “contrast cases” in which all others factors are supposedly held constant. However, appeals to intuitions are of limited use. They may establish whether we treat the distinction as morally relevant, but they cannot show whether we ought to do so. The real challenge for a defender of the doing/allowing distinction is to provide a clear analysis of the distinction and a convincing argument that, under this analysis, the distinction connects appropriately to more fundamental moral concepts. This article maps out the philosophical literature on the analysis and moral significance of the distinction between doing and allowing harm, from the beginnings of contemporary interest in the issue in the 1960s and 1970s to recent trends and developments.


Author(s):  
John S. Ahlquist ◽  
Margaret Levi

This book develops a new theory of organizational leadership and governance to explain why some organizations expand their scope of action in ways that do not benefit their members directly. The book documents eighty years of such activism by the International Longshore and Warehouse Union in the United States and the Waterside Workers Federation in Australia. The book systematically compares the ILWU and WWF to the Teamsters and the International Longshoremen's Association, two American transport industry labor unions that actively discouraged the pursuit of political causes unrelated to their own economic interests. Drawing on a wealth of original data, the book shows how activist organizations can profoundly transform the views of members about their political efficacy and the collective actions they are willing to contemplate. The book finds that leaders who ask for support of projects without obvious material benefits must first demonstrate their ability to deliver the goods and services members expect. These leaders must also build governance institutions that coordinate expectations about their objectives and the behavior of members. The book reveals how activist labor unions expand the community of fate and provoke preferences that transcend the private interests of individual members. The book then extends this logic to other membership organizations, including religious groups, political parties, and the state itself.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (04) ◽  
pp. 775-794 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nolan McCarty ◽  
Jonathan Rodden ◽  
Boris Shor ◽  
Chris Tausanovitch ◽  
Christopher Warshaw

Using new data on roll-call voting of US state legislators and public opinion in their districts, we explain how ideological polarization of voters within districts can lead to legislative polarization. In so-called “moderate” districts that switch hands between parties, legislative behavior is shaped by the fact that voters are often quite heterogeneous: the ideological distance between Democrats and Republicans within these districts is often greater than the distance between liberal cities and conservative rural areas. We root this intuition in a formal model that associates intradistrict ideological heterogeneity with uncertainty about the ideological location of the median voter. We then demonstrate that among districts with similar median voter ideologies, the difference in legislative behavior between Democratic and Republican state legislators is greater in more ideologically heterogeneous districts. Our findings suggest that accounting for the subtleties of political geography can help explain the coexistence of polarized legislators and a mass public that appears to contain many moderates.


Author(s):  
Vadi Valentina

This chapter evaluates whether the existing legal framework adequately protect cultural heritage vis-à-vis the economic interests of foreign investors. It aims to address this question by examining recent arbitrations and proposing three principal legal tools to foster a better balance between economic and cultural interests in international investment law and arbitration. This recent jurisprudence highlights that arbitral tribunals are increasingly providing consideration to cultural concerns. Yet, the interplay between the protection of cultural heritage and the promotion of foreign direct investment in international investment law and arbitration continues to pose two main problems: one ontological, concerning the essence of international investment law and international law more generally; and one epistemological, concerning the mandate of arbitral tribunals. The chapter then considers three principal avenues that can facilitate a better balance between the public and private interests in international investment law: a ‘treaty-driven approach’; a ‘judicially driven approach’; and counterclaims.


2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID G. BARRIE ◽  
SUSAN BROOMHALL

ABSTRACTThis article examines how civic tensions and the rise to prominence of a new class of businessmen contributed to the evolution of police courts in Scottish towns, c.1800 to 1833. It argues that men of property intertwined civic imperatives with their own moral and economic interests in order to effect reform and defend their position, status and influence. It also contends that police courts were important institutions in reflecting and exposing the divisions and shared interests that existed among ‘public men’ and the private interests they sought to promote and safeguard. In doing so, the article highlights social hierarchies – both between men of property and different classes – as an important force in shaping the development and institutional workings of police courts.


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