The Aleksandrov Story

1949 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
Percy E. Corbett

In the Autumn of 1946, Georgi Aleksandrov, Professor of Philosophy in the University of Moscow and Chief of the Administration of Propaganda and Agitation in the Central Committee of the Communist Party, was one of Moscow's success stories. Only thirty-eight years old, he had already reached the top rung of the academic ladder. He was, besides, a key figure in that liaison of politics and science upon which the Soviet Government leans so heavily in mobilizing the creative energies of its population for the magnification of the State. In his post as Chief of Propaganda and Agitation for the Communist Party, Aleksandrov was responsible, under Andrei Zhdanov of the Politburo, for the fanatical indoctrination of party-workers and party-members and for spreading the gospel of Marx-Leninism through the broad massesof the people. He was an active member of the editorial board of Bolshevik, long a principal intellectual weapon of the party and government. When Culture and Life was inaugurated as special organ of Zhdanov's savage campaign to purge every branch of art and learning of elements not wholly imbued with aggressive Marx-Leninism, it was foreordained that Aleksandrov should be the moving spirit in the new publication. The Academy of Social Sciences, established in 1946 as the highest agency of political instruction, began its career under his leadership.

2021 ◽  
pp. 100-126
Author(s):  
Aleksandr V. Zaytsev

The journal Slavyane was created by the Central Committee of All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) as an organ of internal and external political propaganda aimed at Russian-speaking Slavs. It reflected the pullback of Soviet foreign policy from proletarian internationalism. The policy of its editorial board towards Yugoslavia repeated the one of the Party, but sensitive subjects were avoided or covered with a delay on the pages of the journal. Josip Broz Tito as spokesman for the aspirations of Yugoslav peoples was extolle since 1943 while D. Mihajlović’s activities had not been covered until his condemnation in October 1943. The journal supported the government of the People’s Federative Republic of Yugoslavia until early 1948, condemned it since late 1949 to early 1953, kept silence on Yugoslavia for several months in 1948–1949, 1953–1954, 1956, 1957 and 1958. Each time such deliberate silence had been caused by the aggravation or, on the contrary, by attempts to break ice in relations between the Soviet Union and People’s Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) / the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia / the Union of Yugoslavian Communists. The only exception from the rule seems to be Issue 5/1953 of the journal which contains anti-Tito insults but they may be due to struggle on top of the Soviet government. Overall, the policy of the editorial board was marked by more caution and desire to cover up problems than the policy of Party newspapers.


1983 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 108-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lowell Dittmer

On 1 September 1982, 1,545 delegates and 145 alternates convened the 12th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party. The meeting was announced in advance (at the seventh plenum of the 11th Central Committee, held in Beijing 4–10 August) and proceeded with well-rehearsed smoothness to its scheduled adjournment 15 days later. The meeting agenda conformed closely to established protocol, consisting of speeches and work reports, discussion and adoption of a new Party constitution, culminating in the election of new members to the Central Committee and other “standing” (i.e. permanently tenured) positions and convention of the first plenary meetings of these organs. The meeting began on 1 September with a relatively brief opening speech by Deng Xiaoping, the presiding chairman (though in a typical gesture to collective leadership there were no less than nine other presiding chairmen), and was followed by Hu Yaobang's comprehensive report and by speeches or reports by Ye Jianying, Chen Yun, Li Xiannian and others. These documents were all published as part of a general effort at greater publicity that included prior announcement of the dates of convention and adjournment, invitation of more than 70 responsible persons from democratic parties, non-Party patriots and other well-known personages from various circles to attend as observers (as had been done previously during the Eighth Congress), fairly detailed reporting of the election of deputies, their assembly and daily activities, arrangements and so forth, and even a sort of press conference that Zhu Muzhi, spokesman of the conference, held for Chinese and foreign reporters – although no foreign Communist Party members or foreign journalists were permitted to attend the Congress itself.


2019 ◽  
pp. 467-479
Author(s):  
Michail V. Bryantsev ◽  

The article analyses the aftermath of the publication of Trotsky's “The Lessons of October” in autumn of 1924, which produced much controversy in the camp of his opponents. Kamenev, Stalin, and his others smote Trotsky and posed the question “Leninism or Trotskyism?” to antithesize Lenin and Trotsky. The controversy was in the focus of attention of Soviet citizens, who showed “great interest” in this “literary discussion.” The issue remained center-stage in late 1924 - early 1925. The analysis of information materials demonstrates controversial attitudes of the population to the struggle. Many championed Trotsky. Having no way to find out more about Trotsky's views and mistrusting official publications, people often gave preference to rumors, which reflected not facts, but their wishes. Many saw in Trotsky their defender from the arbitrary rule, who acted in the interest of the people and suffered for his views. Many, party members also, demanded to allow Trotsky to express his opinions outside the framework of propaganda. At the same time, the “The Lessons of October” fed the negative image of Trotsky, already in formation. Quite noticeable role was played by the official propaganda trying to paint Trotsky as a traitor to the interests of the Soviet state. Not understanding the mechanism of the internal conflicts which after Lenin's death were tearing the RCP(B) apart, the population was swept by the Central Committee propaganda. Party propagandists cast Trotsky as a detractor of the party and Lenin himself. The campaign launched against Trotsky and his “The Lessons of October” bore its fruit. The authorities presented Trotsky as a Menshevik and unscrupulous enemy of the Soviet power. Information materials of early 1925 show not only a slump in Trotsky’s popularity, but also a growing bias against him.


Author(s):  
Eugeniusz Mironowicz

The analysis of the content of the appeal leaflets was to show what the Soviet leadership set for the people responsible for propaganda. The image of the enemy presented to the Belarusian society convinced them to uncompromising fight. The propaganda also left no doubt that any work strengthening the occupants’ potential was a betrayal of the Soviet homeland. It reminded that the loyalty of the inhabitants of occupied Belarus should be shown only to the Soviet authorities. The one more goal of the research was to show the effects of propaganda work. They were clearly visible. This was manifested by a powerful guerrilla movement on the territory of the republic and a small, compared to neighboring republics Lithuania and Ukraine, implementation of imposed standards for the supply of labor to Germany and food contingents.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jialin Li

Mr Ma perceived that humans gradually developed social existence through practical activities, strong social interactions, Mr Ma thought that society blending reality and existence could shape man into a generative social existence of sorts. Following that, humans might gain the ability to deconstruct the essence and connotation of society. The CPC owns the most Party members in the world and will insist on the road to socialist development and establish a "People first" scientific approach on development in accordance with the Marxist philosophy. The people-centered core connotation was successively proposed at the Third Plenary Session of the Sixteenth Central Committee of the CPC and the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China hosted by General Secretary President Xi , all of which regard people as the subject.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 382-385
Author(s):  
Editorial Board

The attention of the entire Soviet Union is riveted to the decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of July 5 on the harvesting campaign of 1932. The editorial board of the Kazan Medical Journal considers it necessary to draw the attention of its readers to the whole range of issues of great economic and political importance, set out in this document.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-49
Author(s):  
Xiao Fang ◽  
Anping Wang

The construction of clean government culture is the key link for the Communist Party of China to carry out the work of combating corruption and promoting clean government, and it is also an important step to strengthen the building of a clean and honest party and to win an overwhelming victory in the struggle against corruption. In the new era, promoting the construction of the Party's clean government culture by firming the People' s Position, building up the foundation of faith, improving the Party spirit cultivation of Party members and strengthening the construction of party conduct, which will help to alert people, especially party members and cadres to cultivate integrity and self-discipline, can open up a new and effective path for comprehensive and strict administration of the Party.


2018 ◽  
pp. 291-307
Author(s):  
Антон Олександрович Сичевський

The article analyzes the implementation mechanism and organizational system of anti-religious agitation and propaganda in Soviet Ukraine. The author recorded a conflict between the republican and all-union centers for religious cults regarding the implementation of religious policies and atheization of the population. It is analyzed how the change in the state leadership of the USSR in 1954 led to a radical reassessment of the ideological struggle with religion as a relic of class formations in the minds of people.It was established that in the 1960s cinematographic works were actively involved in anti-religious propaganda. The actual number of regional commissioners to the Council for Religious Affairs also increased, committees for assistance were set up in all cities and districts of the regions, public councils for the coordination of anti-religious work were organized under the regional committees of the Communist Party of Ukraine. It was found out that within the framework of the atheistic education of society, the Soviet leadership introduced the concept of Soviet «non-religious» holidays and rituals, honoring the leaders of communist labor. The structural formalization of organizations responsible for the introduction of the new Soviet rituals in the 1970s is analyzed.The article describes the employment of the media resource and state publishing houses that published millions of copies of atheistic periodicals and literature for the sake of «eradicating the religious consciousness of the masses» by the party leadership. The reduction of state influence on the affairs of believers since the mid-1960s and the harsh criticism of the liberal course in relation to religion at the All-Union Conference of Commissioners for Religious Affairs in 1972 are analyzed. It is proved that, despite the «Perestroika», the idea of religion as a reactionary ideology and the need to transform the society of mass atheism into a society of general atheism prevailed in atheistic education.The author found out that in the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine a discussion on the importance of rethinking the strategy of religious policy to establish a dialogue with churches and guaranteeing believers the possibility of religious freedom began only in 1990.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9.1 (85.1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Viktoriia Georgiievska ◽  

The article considers the history of establishing and functioning of the party periodicals in Ukraine in 1919–1920. The aim of the research is to find out the main conditions of formation of the press system of the Ukrainian Communist Party (borotbysty), to trace the thematic spectrum of publications of the leading figures of the Party. The object of the study are organs and newspapers of the Ukrainian Communist Party (borotbysty), that were published in Kharkiv, Kyiv, Poltava, Vinnytsia (such as «Borotba / Struggle», «Borotbyst / Fighter», «Chervona borotba / Red struggle», «Chervonyy stiah / Red flag», «Chervonyy prapor / Red banner», and others). During the short period of Party existence, the leaders of the Ukrainian Communist Party (borotbysty) managed to form a network of party periodicals in Kyiv, Kharkiv, Poltava, Kherson, Odesa, Vinnytsia, Zhytomyr, Pryluky, etc. Most of the titles of party newspapers contained the word struggle or its derivatives in the logo. The main topics of publications are party documents (acts, memoranda, appeals, resolutions of party congresses and conferences), current party activities, chronicles of political affairs, letters from workers and peasants, debunking of political enemies and the opposition. Poems, short stories, and feuilletons were also published. Among the editorial boards and permanent employees of this press were party figures, writers, and publicists (V.Ellansky (V. Ellan-Blakytny), H. Mykhailychenko, V. Chumak, M. Lebedynets, M.Avdienko, O. Shumsky, A. Richytsky (A. Pisotsky), M. Pankiv, and others). Most of them were People’s commissars of education, ministers in the Soviet government, as well as members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Ukraine, but the regime of Stalin annihilated them. Their creative biographies and activities in editorial and publishing fields need to be studied and rehabilitated. In prospect, it is important to research thoroughly the heritage of the political leaders, to decipher cryptonyms and pseudonyms, which often occur on the pages of periodicals of the Ukrainian Communist Party (borotbysty).


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