scholarly journals PERIODICALS OF THE UKRAINIAN COMMUNIST PARTY (BOROTBYSTY)

2020 ◽  
Vol 9.1 (85.1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Viktoriia Georgiievska ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Editorial Boards ◽  
Short Period ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
Red Flag ◽  
Permanent Employees

The article considers the history of establishing and functioning of the party periodicals in Ukraine in 1919–1920. The aim of the research is to find out the main conditions of formation of the press system of the Ukrainian Communist Party (borotbysty), to trace the thematic spectrum of publications of the leading figures of the Party. The object of the study are organs and newspapers of the Ukrainian Communist Party (borotbysty), that were published in Kharkiv, Kyiv, Poltava, Vinnytsia (such as «Borotba / Struggle», «Borotbyst / Fighter», «Chervona borotba / Red struggle», «Chervonyy stiah / Red flag», «Chervonyy prapor / Red banner», and others). During the short period of Party existence, the leaders of the Ukrainian Communist Party (borotbysty) managed to form a network of party periodicals in Kyiv, Kharkiv, Poltava, Kherson, Odesa, Vinnytsia, Zhytomyr, Pryluky, etc. Most of the titles of party newspapers contained the word struggle or its derivatives in the logo. The main topics of publications are party documents (acts, memoranda, appeals, resolutions of party congresses and conferences), current party activities, chronicles of political affairs, letters from workers and peasants, debunking of political enemies and the opposition. Poems, short stories, and feuilletons were also published. Among the editorial boards and permanent employees of this press were party figures, writers, and publicists (V.Ellansky (V. Ellan-Blakytny), H. Mykhailychenko, V. Chumak, M. Lebedynets, M.Avdienko, O. Shumsky, A. Richytsky (A. Pisotsky), M. Pankiv, and others). Most of them were People’s commissars of education, ministers in the Soviet government, as well as members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Ukraine, but the regime of Stalin annihilated them. Their creative biographies and activities in editorial and publishing fields need to be studied and rehabilitated. In prospect, it is important to research thoroughly the heritage of the political leaders, to decipher cryptonyms and pseudonyms, which often occur on the pages of periodicals of the Ukrainian Communist Party (borotbysty).

Czech interlude: The rise and fall of censorship 1953-68

1982 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 19-23
Author(s):  
Duŝan Havliĉek
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Nazi Occupation ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
Printed Word ◽  
Short Time

For a very short time in the spring of 1968, the Czechoslovak press and other media enjoyed a considerable measure of freedom hitherto unthinkable in a Soviet-style Communist dictatorship. With the ‘normalisation that followed the Soviet intervention in August of that year, the media returned safely into the hands of the Party, the supervision of the printed word as well as of radio and television being as rigorous today as it was in the Stalinist fifties. In a recently completed 164-page study. The Experience of Prague Spring 1968, the author — himself a Czech journalist now living in exile in Switzerland — analyses the role of the mass media in Czechoslovakia, showing how the ruling Communist Party controls them, and at the same time how that control was weakened and finally almost abolished during the period of liberalisation. This is an edited extract from his study. Dusan Havlicek was born in 1923 and joined the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in 1942, during the Nazi occupation. Imprisoned for his underground work two years later, he took up journalism after the war and worked in the Institute of Theory and History of the Mass Media at Prague's Charles University. In 1968 he was appointed head of the press, radio and television department of the CP Central Committee. In 1969 he was sent as a CTK (Czechoslovak News Agency) correspondent to Geneva, where he asked for political asylum. He is the author of a number of works on the mass media.

scholarly journals “Rakovsky Incident”: the Strategy of the Conduct by Soviet Plenipotentiary in Paris

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Close Friend ◽  
The Other ◽  
Critical Material ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Press ◽  
Close Cooperation

The article investigates the activities of the Soviet plenipotentiary in Paris in the period of August-October 1927 in connection with the «Rakovsky Incident» - a scandal in the French press that arose after the signing of Ch. Rakovsky in early August 1927 of a statement by the left opposition. Four main areas of activity were identified: contacts with French politicians; cooperation with french press; a new proposal on the Franco-Soviet agreement on debts and credits; interaction with Moscow. The Soviet plenipotentiary in Paris, trying to use all his contacts and acquaintances, tried to get in touch with various French politicians and enlist their support. But the growing campaign of criticism regarding the “Rakovsky case” led to the fact that fewer and fewer politicians contacted him, or only gave empty assurances of support. Even Ch. Rakovsky’s close friend, Anatole de Monzie, behaved extremely indecisively. On the other hand, as recorded in a number of documents, Ch. Rakovsky himself sometimes behaved too self-confidently, ignoring advices. Regarding the press, with the exacerbation of the campaign, the number of newspapers that were ready to cooperate with the Soviet plenipotentiary in Paris decreased. Some of them paid money for it, some printed critical material at the direction of the owners of these newspapers, some followed the dominant trend of criticism of a diplomat. Only the newspaper of the Communist Party - "L'Humanité" - until the end remained loyal to the Soviet plenipotentiary. Ch. Rakovsky laid great hopes on his new proposal for debts and credits. But it was criticized by literally everyone: French politicians, the Paris press, and even their own Soviet government (in close cooperation with which these theses were developed). The leadership of the USSR in the person of I. Stalin spent a lot of effort to discredit Ch. Rakovsky and worsen his situation. This was especially vivid during the period of «Incident». By September 13, official Moscow was silent, and all requests for assistance and proposals for improving the situation were essentially ignored. All of the above was the reason for the very poor efficiency of Ch. Rakovsky’s actions and led to his further departure from France.

scholarly journals The General Intonation in the Performance of “Boris Godunov” of Vsevolod Meyerhold — Sergei Prokofiev

ICONI ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 36-48
Author(s):  
Ivan D. Porshnev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Collaborative Work ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Semantic Content ◽  
Sergei Prokofiev ◽  
Soviet State ◽  
History Of ◽  
Centennial Anniversary ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Boris Godunov

The article dwells upon the process of the artistic cooperation between Vsevolod Meyerhold and Sergei Prokofi ev by the example of their collaborative work on Alexander Pushkin’s play “Boris Godunov.” The preparation for the actualization of the conception had started long before the main rehearsing period — in 1934, after the issuance of the edict of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the VKP(b) (Communist Party) “Concerning the Foundation of the All-Union Pushkin Committee in connection with the centennial anniversary of the death of Alexander Sergeyevich Pushkin.” The performance was supposed to have become the appropriate response to the festivities of the Pushkin jubilee, but it never got round to being performed at that time. The peculiarities of the interpretation of the drama in the dialogue of the two Masters are examined on the basis of the materials connected with the history of the creation of the performance and the music to it. Analysis is made of the semantic content of the musical numbers (“The Song of the Lonely Wanderer” and the “Songs of Loneliness”), which carry out the function of the through leit-motifs and indirectly characterize Boris Godunov and the Pretender, and also play an important role in the formation of the “general intonation” of the performance. The conclusion is arrived at that the “politically saturated” production of Vsevolod Meyerhold and Sergei Prokofi ev touched upon the prohibited “territory of meanings”: the denoted implication unwittingly projected itself on the personal fate of the ruler of the Soviet state.

Glasnost in the Mailroom: The Soviet Subject in Gorbachev’s Perestroika, 1985–1988

2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-188
Author(s):  
Courtney Doucette
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common ◽  
Liberal Concept ◽  
Ordinary Citizens

Abstract This article examines letters on glasnost sent to the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party in 1987 and compiled by the Central Committee’s Letter Department in a booklet for the Politburo in 1988. Contextualized by other sources from the archive of this Letter Department and others, these sources begin to illuminate how the Central Committee’s Letter Department functioned and how it evolved during Perestroika. These letters also allow us to begin to incorporate more ordinary citizens’ conceptions of glasnost into the history of this concept. These sources show at least four definitions of glasnost that circulated in the first years of reform. None of these definitions coincided with the liberal concept of “freedom of speech”. The conversation about glasnost in these letters challenges the common liberal teleology of studies of Perestroika, highlighting the distinctly Soviet nature of those who wrote letters and the concepts they wrote about.

Purges and Forced Retirements of Soviet Party Elites as Power Tools of Social Mobility

2014 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-345
Author(s):  
Katya Vladimirov
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Social Mobility ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
History Of ◽  
Power Tools ◽  
High Social Status

The article presents a tumulus seventy-year history of the top party élite, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CC CPSU), by profiling the anatomy of historical generations that embodied it. Five district generations in power and various political “teams” had been locked in ferocious battle for access to political capital, high social status, coveted positions, ranks, and privileges. Their survival and advancement demanded perseverance, bargaining skills, and ruthless elimination of competitors. Purges and forced retirement were essential power tools used in their generational struggle for power and status. The article discusses these methods of compulsory “exclusion” and offers innovative and revealing perspective on the nature of the Soviet political structure as well as on the techniques of its internal combat.

scholarly journals Newspaper "Kavkazskie obyavleniya in the History of the Tiflis Press

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 9-18
Author(s):  
T. R. Danielyan
Keyword(s):  
Name Change ◽  
Functional Roles ◽  
Editorial Boards ◽  
Reference Information ◽  
Short Period ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
History Of ◽  
Publication Time ◽  
The One ◽  
The 19Th Century

Based on the archival documents of the censorship committee, this article studies the factors that influenced the functioning and determined the suspension of the activities of the newspaper “Kavkazskie obyavleniya” (“Caucasian Advertisements”), as well as the policy and some characteristics of the newspaper.The development of advertising and reference newspapers in Tiflis in the second half of the 19th century had the following characteristics: discreteness, short publication time, broadening content, and frequent name change of newspapers. All newspapers of such type were published mainly in Russian, although when compiling the section of advertisements, the editorial boards, for the most part, gave preference to the principle of multilingualism. It was inherent for the vast majority of private periodicals in Tiflis.The newspaper “Kavkazskie obyavleniya” in some sense served as an accompaniment to the Tiflis newspapers and performed two functional roles: on the one hand, the newspaper work as an additional channel for the distribution of Tiflis press, on the other hand, the it accumulated advertising and reference information, and guaranteed the provision of this information to all readers of the Tiflis periodicals.In 1890, the censorship dismissed the publisher’s request to broaden the newspaper's content, and eventually this decision caused the closure of the newspaper.Despite the short period of existence, the newspaper “Kavkazskie obyavleniya” brought noticeable innovations to the advertising activities of the Tiflis periodicals: an endeavor to concentrate advertising and reference information in one information space and mutually beneficial cooperation with rival press. 

The Ninth Central Committee

1971 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 37-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald W. Klein ◽  
Lois B. Hager
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Half Century ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
China Mainland ◽  
The Cultural Revolution

In the half-century history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), only nine congresses have been held. Since six of these were convened during the first seven years, only three congresses have been held since the Sixth Congress in 1928. If the Seventh Congress in 1945 can be characterized as the consolidation of Mao's rule over the CCP, and the Eighth Congress in 1956 as the consolidation of the CCP's mastery over the China mainland, then the Ninth Congress, held in 1969, is the story of the victors and victims of the Cultural Revolution.

The Aleksandrov Story

1949 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
Percy E. Corbett
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Active Member ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Success Stories ◽  
The People ◽  
Party Members ◽  
The University

In the Autumn of 1946, Georgi Aleksandrov, Professor of Philosophy in the University of Moscow and Chief of the Administration of Propaganda and Agitation in the Central Committee of the Communist Party, was one of Moscow's success stories. Only thirty-eight years old, he had already reached the top rung of the academic ladder. He was, besides, a key figure in that liaison of politics and science upon which the Soviet Government leans so heavily in mobilizing the creative energies of its population for the magnification of the State. In his post as Chief of Propaganda and Agitation for the Communist Party, Aleksandrov was responsible, under Andrei Zhdanov of the Politburo, for the fanatical indoctrination of party-workers and party-members and for spreading the gospel of Marx-Leninism through the broad massesof the people. He was an active member of the editorial board of Bolshevik, long a principal intellectual weapon of the party and government. When Culture and Life was inaugurated as special organ of Zhdanov's savage campaign to purge every branch of art and learning of elements not wholly imbued with aggressive Marx-Leninism, it was foreordained that Aleksandrov should be the moving spirit in the new publication. The Academy of Social Sciences, established in 1946 as the highest agency of political instruction, began its career under his leadership.

scholarly journals Seizure of church property in Ukraine according to periodicals of 1921 – 1923

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (12) ◽  
pp. 89-93
Author(s):  
Oksana Fedorchenko
Keyword(s):  
National Culture ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Single Line ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Religious Policy ◽  
Historical Materials ◽  
Historical Significance ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of

A historical analysis of the seizure of church property in Ukraine on the pages of periodicals of this period. The Soviet anti-religious policy of confiscating church property in the fight against hunger as a consequence of influencing the consciousness of the population through the prism of the Soviet and Lviv press is studied. Forms and methods of church confiscation are revealed, damages to churches and national culture of Ukraine are calculated. The Soviet press of 1921-1923 has an important historical significance, because it is with the help of these historical materials that one can explore a rather interesting, but at the same time tragic period in the history of the Orthodox Churches.The analysis of the press of that time gives an opportunity to find out what were the reasons and methods of confiscation of church values. It was investigated and established from the press that the Soviet authorities mass confiscated church property and conducted a census of property. Under the influence of famine, the Soviet government could do anything with the churches and their values, confiscating all church property en masse. After analyzing the periodicals of 1921-1923, there was not a single line of the newspaper that did not mention the seizure of church property.

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