Reflections on the Eclipse of Europe

1952 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. E. Black

It is doubtless a truism to state that Europe is on the wane, at least as a center of political power. Few would deny that a change of major proportions has taken place since the turn of the century in Europe's role in world affairs. But once this is stated, agreement ceases. The causes and mechanism of Europe's decline have received the most varied interpretations, and the bearing of this change on the future is so profound that each school of thought tends to evaluate the destiny of Europe in terms of its own political philosophy. The widest assortment of scholars and prophets have been drawn to this problem by the fascination of its perplexities, and their treatises already comprise a formidable library. Yet the solutions proposed can scarcely be said to have resulted in a clarification of the problem of Europe, and even the most distinguished and influential of these writers have found relatively few areas of agreement.

Author(s):  
Martin Odei Ajei

This chapter discusses the contributions of Kwame Nkrumah, Kwasi Wiredu, William. E. Abraham, and Kwame Gyekye to the corpus of African philosophy. It elaborates their normative perspectives on three themes: the relevance of tradition to modernity, the appropriate form of democracy as means of legitimating political power in Africa, and the relative status of person and community; it also reflects on the significance of these themes in postcolonial African social and political philosophical discourse. The chapter then points out points of convergence and divergence among these individuals and how they relate with Western philosophical perspectives and argues that their work configures a coherent discourse that justifies joining them in a tradition of Ghanaian political philosophy.


Author(s):  
Andre Santos Campos

Historical analyses of the relations between political theory and time often hinge on two claims. The first is that political theorists have until recently put less emphasis on the future than the past when debating political legitimacy and obligation. The second is that the history of political theory draws a fundamental distinction between theories that invoke time to legitimate political structures and theories that reject temporal considerations in favor of timeless principles. This chapter disputes these two claims by maintaining that competing languages of legitimacy harbor different and interrelated conceptions of temporality. A survey of time conceptions in the history of political philosophy shows that normative political theory is inherently multitemporal, involving double regard for the past and the future. And, since even tenseless principles of legitimacy often depend on temporally related forms of formulation and application, considerations about time seem inescapable in normative political theory.


2010 ◽  
Vol 23 (1/2) ◽  
pp. 143-160
Author(s):  
Richard Alston

This essay considers the nature of historical discourse through a consideration of the historical narrative of Lucan’s Pharsalia. The focus is on the manner in which Lucan depicts history as capable of being fictionalised, especially through the operation of political power. The discourses of history make a historical account, but those discourses are not, in Lucan's view, true, but are fictionalised. The key study comes from Caesar at Troy, when Lucan explores the idea of a site (and history) which cannot be understood, but which nevertheless can be employed in a representation of the past. yet, Lucan also alludes to a ‘true history’, which is unrepresentable in his account of Pharsalus, and beyond the scope of the human mind. Lucan’s true history can be read against Benjamin and Tacitus. Lucan offers a framework of history that has the potential to be post-Roman (in that it envisages a world in which there is no Rome), and one in which escapes the frames of cultural memory, both in its fictionalisation and in the dependence of Roman imperial memory on cultural trauma.


2003 ◽  
pp. 61-85
Author(s):  
Simo Elakovic

The crisis of modernity as the crisis of the political is seen by the author primarily as a crisis of the "measure" of the criterion of political decision making and action. This crisis is understood in the first place as a crisis of self-awareness and practice of the ethos. Machiavelli was the first to attempt a solution to this problem by introducing the concept of virtus, which became the fundamental principle of modern political philosophy. However, many modern and contemporary interpreters of Machiavelli's thought often ignore the social and political context in which the political doctrine of the Florentine thinker arose. Namely, Machiavelli's effort to find an authentic form of the political act that would make possible a harmonization and stabilization of the dramatic political circumstances then prevailing in Italian cities required a reliable diagnosis and adequate means for a successful therapy of the sick organism of the community. The epochal novelty in Machiavelli's political theory was the shift from the ancient theorization of virtue to its modern operationalization. Nevertheless, this shift is often interpreted as a radical opposing of the Greek concept of arete to the Roman virtus, which is crudely and simplistically reduced to bravery and strength necessary for taking and keeping political power. Hegel in his political philosophy travels an important part of the road - unconsciously rather than consciously - along with Machiavelli and Shelling. This particularly holds for his understanding of the necessity of strength and bravery in the process of operationalizing the spirit of freedom in history through the mediation of "negation" as "the power of evil". The mediation of subjectivity and substantiality, according to Hegel, takes place in the state by the brutal bridling of the world spirit where not just individuals but whole peoples are sacrificed - toward freedom, i.e. its realization in the community of the ethos. The "trouble of the times" is a consequence of the separation between I and the world (Entzeiung) and stems from a reduced political reason which lacks the criterion of the ethical totality for political action and decision making. By the separation of the ethos this reason get routinized and political action is reduced to naked technique of winning and keeping political power. In the concluding segment of the paper the author points to some global consequences of the crisis of political decision making in the historical reality at the end of 20th century.


2010 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-16
Author(s):  
Anders Fagerjord ◽  
Arnt Maasø ◽  
Tanja Storsul ◽  
Trine Syvertsen

Abstract When planning for the future, media managers must balance realism with the need to foresee unexpected changes. This article investigates images of the future in the Norwegian media industry in the early years of the 21st century and identifies five key trends that media managers envisioned: personalized content, user-generated content, rich media, cross-platform media, and mobility. We argue that increased reflection on such visions and how they are formed may put managers (and researchers) in a better position to meet the future. We therefore ask to what degree they were influenced by actual developments at the time, or anchored in more classical imagery of the future. The analysis illustrates how new technologies become focal points for articulating old dreams about the future. At the latest turn of the century, the mobile phone served as such a focal technology.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-70
Author(s):  
Eyal Ginio

The article concentrates on the reign of Sultan Mehmed Reşad (1909–18) to discuss the last phase of the Ottoman sultanate. Notwithstanding the significance of the Second Constitutional Period, Mehmed Reşad’s reign itself is often mentioned merely as representing the twilight of the Ottoman sultanate, when it became devoid of political power. By using a variety of primary sources, archival, printed and visual documents, this paper focuses on the rule of Mehmed Reşad as representing an attempt to shape a new stage of the Ottoman sultanate. It analyzes the use of Ottoman history at that time and the diffusion of imperial representations to evoke the grandeur of past sultans and its links to the reign of Mehmed Reşad. By promoting his image as a benevolent ruler and the supreme icon of the imagined Ottoman past, Mehmed Reşad endeavored to safeguard his status as a sultan and the future of the sultanate.


1991 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy E. Fulop

At the turn of the century, Edward W. Blyden, resident of Liberia and former Presbyterian missionary from America, read to some African natives the following description from the New YorkIndependentof the burning of a black man in Georgia:Sam Hose was burned on Sunday afternoon in the presence of thousands of people. Before the fire had been kindled the mob amused themselves by cutting off the ears, fingers, toes, etc. to carry away as mementos. After the burning, and before the body was cool, it was cut to pieces, the heart and liver being especially cut up and sold. Small pieces of bone brought 25 cents, and “a bit of liver, crisply cooked, sold for 10 cents.” So eager were the crowd to obtain souvenirs that a rush for the stake was made, and those near the body were forced against and had to fight for their escape.


Author(s):  
Joyce de Vries

Caterina Sforza (b. 1462/63–d. 1509) was the daughter of Galeazzo Maria Sforza (b. 1444–d. 1476), duke of Milan (r. 1467–1476), and his mistress Lucrezia Landriani (b. 1440/45–d. 1507). In 1477, she married Girolamo Riario (b. 1443–d. 1488), nephew of Pope Sixtus IV and ruler of Imola since 1473. He gained possession of Forlì in 1480. Sforza bore at least eight children with Riario, six of whom survived infancy, and she became regent for her son Ottaviano (b. 1479–d. 1533) when Riario was assassinated in 1488. She survived several conspiracies against her rule of Imola and Forlì in the 1490s, and she was deposed only when Cesare Borgia (b. 1475/76–d. 1507) invaded the Romagna region in late 1499. Taken prisoner in early 1500, she was released in July 1501. Sforza moved to Florence, where she plotted to retake the family territories. Neither she nor the Riario family ever resumed power and she died after a long illness in 1509. She was buried in the Murate convent, where she had maintained a cell for spiritual retreat. Sforza’s political cunning and forceful rule fascinated many in early modern Italy, including Niccolò Machiavelli, who came to Forlì in 1499 to negotiate her son Ottaviano’s military contract with Florence. In The Prince, Machiavelli highlights Sforza’s use of fortresses for protection. His version of her actions after Riario’s assassination in 1488 did much to promote her reputation as a sexually bold and merciless ruler. By all accounts, when Sforza entered the Rocca di Ravaldino to facilitate its surrender to the rebels, she instead mounted the ramparts with the intention to rule and challenged her enemies to kill her children, who were hostages. According to Machiavelli, in the Discourses, she then lifted her skirts to reveal her genitals, a gesture meant to emphasize her claim that she could bear more children, who would eventually avenge Riario’s murder. This purported act is an exaggeration of her actions, but this version of the events remains influential as part of her legend. Sforza has often been cast as an exceptional woman not only because of her long regency, but also because of her sexual independence during her widowhood and regency. Without a husband or father to patrol her sexuality, Sforza inspired many rumors about possible sexual partners. During her widowhood, she did indeed maintain relationships with at least two men, whom she claimed after their deaths to have married. Giacomo Feo (b. 1470–d. 1495) achieved much power in her court and was assassinated. They had a son, Carlo (b. 1490–d. 1550s). The second, Giovanni di Pierfrancesco de’ Medici (b. 1467–d. 1498), of the cadet branch of the Florentine family, did not gain political power and died of natural causes. During her final years in Florence, Sforza won custody of their son, Giovanni (b. 1498–d. 1526). She then oversaw his education and estates, and he grew up to became a famous military commander in Italy, known as Giovanni dalle Bande Nere, and father of the future duke of Florence, Cosimo I de’ Medici (b. 1519–d. 1574). Sforza’s Medici connections augmented her fame after her death.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document