Political Development: Time Sequences and Rates of Change

1968 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 494-520 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric A. Nordlinger

Political development is undoubtedly a rich and variegated field of study. We have begun to accumulate first-rate studies of widely divergent cultures and social structures, masses of quantitative data on the socioeconomic variables involved in the modernization process, analyses of political phenomena ranging from the destooling of chiefs to the functioning of complex legislative systems, well-documented surveys of particular political systems, and a smaller number of useful typologies and general hypotheses.

1978 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 385-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard S. Silberman

One of the aspects of Japanese political development most puzzling to historians and political scientists is the seemingly rapid pendulum change from bureaucratic oligarchy to parliamentary cabinet to civil-military bureaucratic forms of government in the period between 1868 and 1945. Generally the argument that has been presented at least by Western observers is that, as Japan proceeded through the modernization process, each major stage of that process was reflected in a political transformation. One recent description states:…the Japanese have experienced a variety of political systems over the past hundred years. They began their emergence from traditionalism under the direction of an oligarchy of bureaucrats whose power was sanctioned by imperial restoration. They adopted a limited kind of parliamentarism in 1890 (the Meiji Constitution) that came to a brief flowering in the immediate post-World War I years. Military authoritarianism was in the ascendancy in the 1930’s and became dominant in World War II.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-78
Author(s):  
Federico Battera

This article explores the differences between two North African military regimes—Egypt and Algeria—which have been selected due to the continuity of military dominance of the political systems. Still, variations have marked their political development. In particular, the Algerian army’s approach to civilian institutions changed after a civilian president was chosen in 1999. This was not the case in Egypt after the demise of the Hosni Mubarak regime of 2011. Other important variations are to be found in the way power has been distributed among the military apparatuses themselves. In the case of Egypt, a principle of collegiality has been generally preserved within a body, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which is absent in the case of Algeria, where conflicts between military opposed factions are more likely to arise in case of crisis. How differences generally impact the stability of military rule in these two cases is the main contribution of this paper.


Author(s):  
Andrej Naterer

The chapter explores the subculture of street children in Makeevka, Ukraine. Drawing upon qualitative and quantitative data gathered during longitudinal anthropological field research their surviving strategies along with social structures, economic activities and substance abuse are presented. In addition, extra-, intra- and inter-group violence is analyzed with an emphasis on the child's situational interpretation and adoption of the code of the street through subsequent code/identity switching and subcultural reactions.


1973 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 600-607
Author(s):  
Gerald A. Heeger

The growing role of governmental bureaucracy has been one of the most noted and discussed characteristics of developing political systems. The phenomenon of bureaucratic intervention in politics, already discernible in the 1950's in many of these states, has, so it seems, become the rule rather than the exception in the years that have followed. Despite the prevalence of the politicized bureaucracy, however, and the amount of discussion engendered by the phenomenon, die sources of bureaucratic growth and dominance in the developing states remain obscure. Most analysts emphasize the superior organization of the bureaucracy and argue that this organization, reinforced by die transfer of techniques from abroad and uncontested because of weak indigenous political institutions, provides much of the explanation for the aggrandizement of the bureaucracy in die policy-making process.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen C. Lynch

Russia’s foreign policy does not follow directly from the nature of its internal political system but rather from the interaction of that political system with other political systems. Russian policy toward the Western world is best understood in terms of the capacity of Russia’s post-Soviet rulers to achieve two goals that are in implicit tension with each other. They are: a) maximizing the benefit to the Russian state of the country’s multifaceted relations with the Western world; and b) securing Russia’s status as the undisputed hegemon throughout the country’s historical borderlands. These broad policy objectives—shared by Russian liberals and nationalists alike–have been common to both the Yeltsin and Putin administrations, albeit expressed in different ways over time and with differing expectations of being able to reconcile the two. Building upon authoritarian and interventionist patterns established early in the Yeltsin years and reacting to the West’s refusal to acknowledge Russian regional primacy, Putin has consolidated an arbitrary personalist regime at home and waged war along the Russian periphery, even at the cost of relations with the Western world. In this respect, Putin’s regime may usefully be seen as a “state-nation” with a strong imperial imprint, building upon powerful legacies of Russian political development. The removal of Putin from power will not in se change that regime type or key challenges in Russiane Western relations.


1977 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheah Boon Kheng

Following Japan's announcement of unconditional surrender to the Allied Powers on 14 August 1945, almost three crucial weeks elapsed in Malaya before the landing of the British Royal Marines at Penang on 3 September. A day before the Marines landed, Vice-Admiral Walker had arrived off Penang aboard H.M.S. Nelson, and received the surrender of the local Japanese commanders. What happened in Malaya during the Interregnum still awaits a comprehensive study. The Interregnum is an important period in Malaya's social and political history which saw, on the one hand, the dramatic and cataclysmic collapse of the Japanese order and, on the other, the eruption of local political and social forces which were involved in a relentless and deadly struggle for power. True, there was no social revolution, as in Indonesia. What took place were conflicts along mainly communal rather than class lines. No class conflicts took place among the Malays, as in Sumatra between the traditional and religious groups, or among the Chinese and Indians. The social structures of the various communities in Malaya emerged relatively intact throughout the Interregnum and in the period thereafter. But there were bloody racial clashes, between Malays and Chinese. There were also bloody political feuds amongst the Chinese themselves. But, on the whole, the Malay-Chinese conflicts had far more serious repercussions on Malaya's post-war society and political development.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-205
Author(s):  
K. V. Rudy ◽  
◽  

The article discusses changes in the tax burden in election and post-election years in countries with different levels of economic and political development. The study uses the data on 121 countries for the period between 1991 and 2019 to test two hypotheses: 1) in election years, governments tend to boost spending while in post-election years government expenditures decline, which determines a similar dynamic of the tax burden; 2) in election years the tax burden decreases and in post-election years it either increases or decreases at a slower rate than in election periods. Methodologically, the study relies on multi-factor regression analysis of panel data. As a result, the first hypothesis is confirmed for high-income countries where the governments increase their spending to ensure the incumbent’s re-election and cut their expenditures after the election. In developed countries, in election years, the government’s spending was 0.4% higher than in other periods. In developed countries, governments were motivated to raise rather than reduce the tax burden in order to compensate for their increased expenditures. No common pattern of declining tax burden in election periods was detected for all observed countries, for groups of countries by income level (high-income, middle- or low-income) or for groups of countries by political regime type (democratic and non-democratic– hybrid or authoritarian). However, the analysis of the annual data on taxes has shown that the decline in the tax burden can occur in countries with developing economic and political systems as was the case with Armenia, Russia and Ukraine in 1992–2019. In general, the findings demonstrate that the governments are more prone to using monetary and fiscal rather than tax instruments in election periods.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 224-231
Author(s):  
V.A. Smolyakov ◽  

This article considers the importance of “Asian values" and Confucianism for the political development of East Asian states. The author concludes that the cultural factor should be considered in connection with other factors - the level of economic and social development, the maturity of political institutions, and the efficiency of state governance. The processes of democratization in the region will develop slowly and wavily. The ways of transit to democracy in different countries will depend on local peculiarities


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