The New Left: Six Critical Essays on Che Guevara, Jean-Paul Sartre, Herbert Marcuse, Frantz Fanon, Black Power, and R. D. Laing.

1972 ◽  
Vol 87 (3) ◽  
pp. 503
Author(s):  
Sanford A. Lakoff ◽  
Maurice Cranston
2021 ◽  
pp. 019145372110175
Author(s):  
Betty Jean Stoneman

Jean-Paul Sartre’s failures in Black Orpheus have been widely and rightly explicated by a number of theorists, most notably Frantz Fanon and Aimé Césaire. Sartre has rightly been criticized for imposing a white gaze onto his reading of colonized African poetry. It would seem that his work offers us no tools for anti-racist work today. For this article, I read his failures in the text alongside his work in The Imaginary and Being and Nothingness to argue that we can learn from his failures and that his failures do offer us conceptual tools for anti-racist work today. I argue that Sartre’s main contribution ought to be understood as a provocation to white people. He is provoking white people to confront how whiteness works in their imaginary. The imaginary is nothing but what one puts into it, and what one puts into it is imbued with the historical, social and cultural. The image is imbued with the individual’s experiences within a historical, social and cultural situation. If this is the case, then the confrontation with and critique of the image is a political act. In confronting and critiquing the image, one is confronting and critiquing the situation in which the image emerges. The hope is that in doing so, white people could transcend the facticity of their whiteness in particular situations for the better, which in turn would have positive consequences for the larger sociopolitical situation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 191-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Munoda Mararike

The subject of coloniality is a phenomenon of consciousness. It explores belief systems, culture, and ethics using conviction and rhetorical force. Mugabe is good at captivating rhetoric. His sophisticated philosophical conundrum derives from modernity, emancipation as it looks at land as a political and economic structure of decolonization. Thus, in him, the belief of self-consciousness and conviction leads to positive confrontation and violence. Peace is universally known to be a product of protracted violence. Zimbabwe went through a war of colonial genocide and mass massacres in the Second Chimurenga. Mugabe’s decolonial agenda is an epistemological extension of coloniality and neo-colonial struggles originated and revisited by Amilcar Cabral, Frantz Fanon, Walter Rodney, Che Guevara, Fidel Castro, and Samora Machel. Mugabeism thrives on instilling fear into the perpetrators of violence and imperialism by using rhetoric. The doctrine—therefore—reaffirms emancipation and empowerment through postcolonial agrarian revolution rather than “land grabs.” Its magnetic effect is like opposite poles of a magnet—revolutionary versus dictatorship—sharply in contra-distinction with repression, barbarism, and cannibalism. Mugabeism means working toward a common vision of human life for Africans, it means emancipation and freedom. It is a life which is not dependent on an imposed superstructure of oppression of Blacks by Caucasians.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julien Lefort-Favreau

Si l’importance des éditions François Maspero dans les champs politique et intellectuel a été bien démontrée par de nombreux travaux récents, son apport aux mutations survenues dans les politiques de la littérature autour de Mai 68 mérite d’être mis en lumière. Nous soumettons l’hypothèse que l’action de François Maspero en amont et en aval de 68 participe à une politisation du champ littéraire par l’articulation complexe entre théorie politique et création littéraire que l’on peut observer dans l’ensemble de son catalogue. Nous nous intéressons ici à quatre acceptions de la littérature qui circulent chez Maspero et qui incarnent les différentes facettes d’une inscription conflictuelle de la littérature dans l’espace social représentative de 68. Nous portons d’abord notre attention sur les préfaces que signe Jean-Paul Sartre de deux livres publiés par Maspero : Aden Arabie de Paul Nizan et Les damnés de la terre de Frantz Fanon. Nous analysons ensuite une série d’articles de Georges Perec qui paraît au début des années 1960 dans la revue Partisans. La troisième acception que nous observons est perceptible dans les collections consacrées à la création littéraire chez Maspero, notamment à la poésie en traduction. Finalement, notre analyse porte sur la collection « Théorie » dirigée par Louis Althusser et la réflexion qu’elle déploie sur les tensions entre art et idéologie. L’examen de ces quatre déclinaisons du littéraire montre que Maspero constitue le lieu privilégié d’une prise en charge de paroles subalternes provenant du Tiers-Monde, d’une critique virulente des prescriptions esthétiques du PCF et d’un éloignement des principes de la littérature engagée. Il annonce donc des transformations importantes de 1968 et les pérennise au fil des années 1970.


Philosophy ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Simpson

The identity of Albert Camus (b. 1913–d. 1960) as a philosopher is ambiguous, and his own relation to philosophy was ambivalent. He hesitated to identify as a philosopher, and following his publication of The Rebel, and his confrontation with Jean-Paul Sartre, his standing and ability as a philosopher was often dismissed. In the popular imagination, he became an existentialist, the “philosopher of the absurd,” and the “conscience of postwar France.” There seem to be two explanations for the ambiguity and ambivalence. First, Camus clearly wasn’t, and didn’t see himself as or desire to be, a discursive theoretical philosopher. He was skeptical of the efficacy of systematic philosophy and metaphysical thinking, and none of his mature writing fits this mold. He is instead what Alexander Nehamas has called a “philosopher of the art of living,” like Socrates, Nietzsche, or Foucault. Or, as Matthew Sharpe (see Sharpe 2015, cited under Intellectual Biographies of Camus) and others have claimed, Camus was a “philosophe,” an expression evoking 18th-century, mainly French, thinkers such as Rousseau, de Condorcet, and Voltaire: public intellectuals focused on worldly, political problems, rather than abstract concerns of theoretical philosophy. Second, much of Camus’s writing, both the clearly fictional and the more clearly philosophical, can be understood as a response to contingent historical circumstance, and his work might therefore be seen, from a philosophical perspective, as anachronistic and of little philosophical relevance. However, while this is partly true, it is perverse to deny the continuing relevance of a writer who addresses issues such as the challenge for an individual finding himself or herself in a meaningless life or an impossible situation, the difference between enlightened rebellion and reactionary irrationalism, the ethics of violence, and the complexity of anti- and postcolonialism. The approach taken in this bibliography is that Camus is not a theoretical philosopher, but a philosopher in Nehamas’s or Sharpe’s sense. After his death, and perhaps in the period leading up to his death, Camus lost prominence. His novels remained in print, and L’Étranger became a standard high school text around the world, but Camus the thinker and activist was relegated to a historical niche. Outside France he retained popularity among the New Left, offering a progressive alternative to Stalinism, but that movement had waned by the 1970s. Since the last decade of the 20th century, however, there has been a significant revival of interest, and the majority of the works in this bibliography have been drawn from this “revival.”


Author(s):  
Maria Ribeiro do Valle ◽  
Pablo Almada
Keyword(s):  
New Left ◽  

O presente artigo analisa a contribuição de Herbert Marcuse para a compreensão dos conflitos e protestos que ocorreram durante os anos 1960, com ênfase no entendimento do filósofo alemão com relação ao movimento estudantil global. Entende-se que, em um contexto marcado pelo domínio imperialista dos Estado Unidos e de composição hegemônica do pensamento unidimensional, Marcuse elaborou uma percepção sociológica acerca dos movimentos sociais e estudantis, valorizando as capacidades críticas e emancipatórias que estavam sendo postuladas por meio dos protestos daquela década. Por sua vez, é Marcuse quem abre caminhos para a compreensão de uma viragem política demarcada pela New Left, a qual deve ser levada em consideração na compreensão da atualidade dos problemas levantados por tais protestos e manifestos.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
Jernej Habjan

Conceived 51 years after the global workers’ and student revolt of May 1968, this Focus will break down the theoretical and literary legacy of May into three intervals of 17 years. In 1985, 17 years after 1968, Luc Ferry and Alain Renaut published a book, La pensée 68, in which they canonized the view that the theoretical underpinning of May ’68 was provided by French structuralist thinkers, notably Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida, Pierre Bourdieu and Jacques Lacan (see Ferry and Renaut 1985; for the English translation, see Ferry and Renaut 1990). Seventeen years later, in 2002, Kristin Ross’s book May ’68 and its Afterlives effectively replaced this canonical image with the notion that French structuralists were all either completely absent or showed at least great reserve during the events of May and that, moreover, the closest theoretical allies of the protesters and strikers were in fact the main philosophical targets of structuralist anti-humanists, namely Jean-Paul Sartre and Herbert Marcuse with their schools of humanist Marxism (see Ross 2002). Seventeen years after Ross’s seminal book, it may be time to negate both the thesis from 1985 and Ross’s antithesis from 2002, and ask the following simple question: why, despite the massive presence of Sartre and Marcuse, and the equally massive absence of Foucault, Derrida, Bourdieu and Lacan, but also Gilles Deleuze and Louis Althusser, has the memory politics of May ’68 during the past half-century included the canonization of structuralism and post-structuralism at the expense of none other than humanism, be it Marxist or non-Marxist?


2018 ◽  
pp. 27-60
Author(s):  
Kristen Hoerl

This chapter briefly reviews the range of dissident movements that were active during the last half of the 1960s. Attending to Black Power, Third World activism, the New Left, anti-war movement, counterculture, women’s liberation, and GLBT radicalism, this chapter explains why dissident groups became increasingly radical and alienated from mainstream politics and society. This chapter also summarizes the variety of Hollywood films and television programs that have featured the counterculture, Black Power and anti-war movements from 1966 to the present decade. These films and TV shows illustrate how late sixties radicalism influenced entertainment television. Although movies and television programs have provided a wide range of depictions, they have tended to foreground the spectacle of dissent and countercultural lifestyles over nuanced attention to radical politics or the motives underlying protesters’ actions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Andrey Schelchkov

This work is devoted to the emergence of the "new left" movement in Latin America in the 60s, considering as an example Bolivia. Here it is proposed to analyze the “new lefts” that arose as a result of the crisis of traditional orthodox Marxism and communism, and not those leftists that emerged on the continent after the collapse of the USSR and the dramatic changes in the left political space, the emergence of various variants of “socialism of the 21st century”, also called "new". In Bolivia, the “new left” was formed from the search for a synthesis of Marxism and nationalism, the renewal of the ideas of socialism at the expense of Western, unorthodox Marxism, and an alliance with social Catholicism. All the political and ideological currents of the "new left" arose under the dominant influence of the Cuban revolution, the guerrilla of Che Guevara, “theology of liberation” and the "world revolution" of 1968. This phenomenon had a short existence, entering a deep crisis in the late 80s, but at the same time leaving a rich legacy for the next generations of the Bolivian left, and there is a clear continuity between the “new left” of the 60s and 70s and today's Latin American left.


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