Soviet Policy Toward Germany During the Russo-Polish War, 1920

Slavic Review ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 665-682 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Himmer

The Russo-Polish War occasioned some of the most anxious moments in the history of relations between Soviet Russia and the Weimar Republic. Within Germany, the advance of the Red Army toward Warsaw in 1920 aroused strong, but contradictory emotions. First, it led many Germans to anticipate the destruction of Poland and to hope for the restoration of the Reich’s former eastern territories. Simultaneously, however, the westward Russian march raised fears of the invasion of Germany by Bolshevik forces. Within Russia, a similar dichotomy of views about Germany existed. On one hand, the German government was considered a hostile, though negligible and temporary—a Communist revolution there was thought imminent—factor in Russia’s situation. On the other, Germany was held important enough to Russia that serious proposals of a far-reaching alliance against Poland and the Entente were made to her. The former view rested on a fundamentally optimistic assessment of Russia’s prospects; the latter, on a sober one. Grounds for concern were afforded by the Soviet Republic’s grave economic problems and by worry about whether the weary Red Army could defeat Pilsudski’s forces, whose offensive capacity had been demonstrated by their capture of Kiev in May 1920. If Germany, which had had military forces in the field against the Bolsheviks only a year before, should actively assist the Poles, Russia’s situation could be appreciably worsened. Surprisingly, therefore, although there are several recent, excellent studies of Soviet-Polish affairs and the Russo-Polish War, and a voluminous literature on relations between the Soviets and the Weimar Republic, little attention has been paid to Soviet policy toward Germany during the conflict with Poland. To explain that policy, and its apparent contradiction, is the purpose of this article.

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-62
Author(s):  
Dariusz Radziwiłłowicz

The Polish-Soviet War, which took place between 1919 and 1920, remains one of the most dramatic, yet also one of the brightest pages in the history of the Polish military. Not only did the Polish army achieve a spectacular victory that ensured Poland’s sovereignty and unrestrained development, but also, according to many historians and politicians, saved Europe from the flood of communism. Apart from the famous Battle of Warsaw, the warfare that lasted from February 1919 to October 1920 included the Kiev Offensive, the Battle of Komarów and the Battle of the Niemen River. The war with the Bolshevists was not just a conflict over the borders, but also concerned the preservation of national sovereignty, threatened by the Bolshevists' attempts to spread the communist revolution throughout Europe. The intention of the Polish side, on the other hand, was to separate the nations occupying the regions to the west and south of Russia and to connect them with Poland through close federal ties. The fate of the war was finally decided in August 1920 at the gates of Warsaw. The Polish Army, following the operational plans of the High Command approved by Józef Piłsudski, the Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army, pushed the Red Army east past the Neman River line with a surprising counter-attack. This battle saved Poland's independence and forced the Bolshevists to cancel their plans to spread the communist revolution to the countries of Central and Western Europe.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (11 (109)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Leonty Lannik

Military actions on the Eastern front of the Great War were restarted on February 18th, 1918, but were not finished with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk signment. By middle ofMay, the zone of the First German occupation was expanded also to a number of territories recognized by the Central Powers as belonging to Soviet Russia. After a series of battles in April some areas of the modern Bryansk region were set under the German occupation for the next few months. This period in the history of the region has clearly received insufficient attention from researchers. The favourable geographical location and the access to an important railway infrastructure caused that the Bryansk Region had a crucial importance for German attempts to stabilize the occupation regime in Ukraine. Steady and often illegal flows of migration and smuggling have begun to develop. Extremely important for the occupiers were also different raw resources and food supply. That led to increased exploitation by German troops and hence the growth of the insurgency. Despite the extremely difficult military situation of Soviet Russia in summer 1918 and the risk of untimely provocation on the demarcation line, activities by the troops of the Western curtain of the Red Army near the Bryansk increased gradually. By the mid-autumn of 1918, the Bryansk Region had acquired the significance of a springboard for future military operations for all parties claiming control of both Belarus and Ukraine. In the specific military-political situation after the Compiegne armistice, control of the region's railways played a key role both in the Red Army's offensive in Ukraine in the winter of 1918—1919 and in the relatively successful evacuation of the German occupation forces from army group “Kiev” and the 10th army.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
EGLĖ RINDZEVIČIŪTĖ

This article introduces non-Western policy sciences into the burgeoning field of the intellectual history of Earth system governmentality, a field that studies the ideas, institutions and material systems that enable action at the global scale. It outlines the rise of debates on the idea of the governability of the global biosphere in late Soviet Russia (1970s–1980s), focusing particularly on the extension of Vladimir Vernadskii's famous theory of the biosphere and its governance (the stage of the noosphere) into computer modeling and systems analysis. As a result, a new notion of governance as guidance through milieu arose to conceptualize global governance of the biosphere. This conceptual innovation was part of Soviet scientists’ attempt to liberalize the centrally commanded Soviet governmental system.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 394-407
Author(s):  
Andrey V. Ganin

The article analyzes the image of a historical figure of the White Army agent Nosovich in A.N. Tolstoy’s novella Bread. Former General A.L. Nosovich in Soviet Russia in the spring and summer of 1918 held the post of chief of staff of the North Caucasus Military District, but at the same time was an agent of the White Army and carried out clandestine subversive work. His image in the novel was introduced as an antihero, who was opposed to the shrewd commissar Joseph Stalin. The attitude to Nosovich in the novel is negative. He is shown as a pragmatic and cruel cynic, for whom the aim justifies any means. Tolstoy did not fail to emphasize the connection between Nosovich and the leader of the Red Army Lev D. Trotsky ostracized in the USSR. When creating the character of Nosovich A.N. Tolstoy relied on genuine documents, including the report of Nosovich to the White Army command about his underground work. Tolstoy’s novel contributed to the strengthening of the personality cult of Stalin and the mythology of the history of the Russian Civil War in line with party attitudes. The image of the White Army agent General Nosovich served the same task.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 424-460
Author(s):  
Yurij V. Chudodeev

The article offers an account on the history of the Department of Chinese Studies at the Institute of the Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy in 1960-1980. This is one of the most important centres of Chinese Studies in the former USSR and in the post-soviet Russia. The article deals with its origins, scholarly activities, and achievements as well as the members of staff. The scholarly achievements are outlined in the context of the complex relationship between the Communist party’s views on the Chinese history and the actual findings, which had to be put in accordance with the view of the Party. The ideological censorship was acerbated by the complex and not always easy relations between the Chinese and Soviet communist ideologies on one hand and the USSR and the Peoples Republic of China on the other


2021 ◽  
pp. 100-106
Author(s):  
Viktor I. Zvavich ◽  

The article is devoted to the life, work and documentary legacy of the well-known abroad, but little-known in Russia historian and archivist Boris Moiseevich Sapir. B.M. Sapir lived a long life (1902–1989), full of various events. Born in 1902 in the city of Lodz in the Kingdom of Poland (that then belonged to Russia) into a Jewish Russian-speaking family, B.M. Sapir did not always voluntarily find himself in the center of major political events and even wars of the first half of the 20th century. Already in 1914, he and his parents came to Moscow. There, Sapir became interested in the social democratic movement and joined the Menshevik Party. However, not being an enemy of the Soviet state, he joined the Red Army in 1919 at the age of 17, being demobilized only in 1921. Soon, however, B.M. Sapir was arrested, imprisoned and deported until 1926. In 1926, he managed to escape to Germany (then the Weimar Republic). There, he became an activist of the International Youth Social Democratic Movement. However, when the Nazis came to power in Germany, Sapir’s long ordeal began in different countries. It was the Netherlands, where he began to actively study the history of Russian Populism and Menshevism (that topic became the main issue in his scientific work). Later his fate led him to Cuba, where he started researching the history of the local Jewish community, then – to the United States. It was only after the Second World War, and even then not immediately, that Sapir managed to come to the Netherlands, where he finally began to study the history of the revolutionary movement in pre-Soviet Russia. There he found not only his favorite occupation, but also his family happiness. B.M. Sapir did not survive his rehabilitation. He died in 1989, and was officially rehabilitated in the USSR only in 1991. Boris Moiseevich’s relatives received the relevant documents only in 1992. The most significant part of B.M. Sapir’s documents is kept in the United States, in one of the Russian archives – the Bakhmetyev archives (at Harward University). A copy of the scientific reference apparatus for the collection (Fund) of B.M. Sapir was digitized and made available to Internet users. However, a detailed study of B.M. Sapir’s documents is a matter for the future.


1999 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 675-691 ◽  
Author(s):  
FRED HALLIDAY

The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, lasting from 1979 to 1989, was one of the major chapters in the Cold War. Analysis of how Soviet policy was made has, hitherto, focused on the decision to intervene, in December 1979. Equally important, however, as an episode in the final stages of the Cold War, and as an example of Soviet policy formulation, was the decision to withdraw. Basing itself on declassified Soviet documents, and on a range of interviews with former Soviet and Afghan officials, this article charts the protracted history of the Soviet decision and sets it in context: as with the decision to invade, the withdrawal reflected assessment of multiple dimensions of policymaking, not only the interests and calculation of Soviet leaders, but also relations within the Afghan communist leadership on the one hand, and strategic negotiation with the West on the other.


Itinerario ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joāo Marinho Dos Santos

In analysing the history of the Portuguese expansion, it is tempting to use purely economic factors. This perspective minimizes two non-economic problems confronting Portuguese society at the beginning of the fifteenth century: on the one hand the general cohesion of Portuguese society, which could only be brought about by the noble and military élites, and on the other the problem of national independence, which at the time was under threat from Castile. In fact, these problems persisted, alongside others that were generated by the very solution that was found for them, namely by overseas expansion. The capture of Ceuta in 1415 was an ingenious attempt to overcome these problems in one go. Due to their military weakness, it had been impossible for the Portuguese elites to take part in the conquest of Granada. The project of Ceuta did permit territorial growth. Besides, it mobilized the nation ideologically, thus reinforcing its identity without threatening the unity of the Respublica Christiana.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1168-1183
Author(s):  
Sergey S. Voytikov ◽  

The Central State Archive of the City of Moscow (TsGA of Moscow) holds documents that expand existing notions on the Soviet military construction of 1918-19, the formation of military intelligence and counterintelligence in Soviet Russia, and the “third wave” of mass Red terror in 1919. These documents are mostly found in the seemingly insignificant fond of the Serpukhov uezd committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). Since in the autumn 1918 – summer 1919, the Field Staff of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic was located in Serpukhov and its military commissar, head of the registration department, and founder of the Soviet military intelligence, S. I. Aralov actively worked in the Serpukhov uezd committee, the committee protocols are of great importance for studying the formation of the Red Army and its special services. The documents on admission to the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and party registration of the Field Staff senior officials, brothers Alexei and Pavel Vasiliev contain new information on the personnel continuity in the Operational Department of the People's Commissariat for Military Affairs of the RSFSR and the Field Staff. Protocols of the reports of the old Bolshevik A.A. Antonov at sessions of the Serpukhov uezd bodies of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) clarify the existing notions on the calamity of June 1919, which took place on the eve of the events associated with the arrest of the first Commander-in-Chief of all the armed forces of the Republic J. J. V?cietis and some of his employees in July 1919, the cleaning of the Field Staff initiated by the old Bolshevik, longtime associate of Lenin S.I. Gusev who replaced S.I. Aralov at his posts. There are also documents containing information on the Bolshevik leadership reaction to the events related to the explosion in the building of the Moscow Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) on September 25, 1919, when 12 Bolsheviks were killed and 55 received wounds of varying severity. These materials complement and correct data from the documents stored in the federal archives, in particular, in the Russian State Military Archive, which keeps documents on the history of the Red Army in 1918-41. For instance, it turns out that it was decided to arrest the bourgeoisie and other “counter-revolutionaries” with their subsequent imprisonment in a concentration camp created specifically for this purpose in Serpukhov district.


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