Prospero and Caliban: The Psychology of Colonization, Self-Government in Modernizing Nations, Self-Determination Revisited in the Era of Decolonization and Remnants of Empire: The United Nations and the End of Colonialism

1965 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 706-708
Author(s):  
Hugh Tinker
1984 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 838-840

The Security Council,Having heard the statement of the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Nicaragua,Having also heard the statements of various States Members of the United Nations in the course of the debate,Deeply concerned, on the one hand, at the situation prevailing on and insid the northern border of Nicaragua and, on the other hand, at the consequent dange of a military confrontation between Honduras and Nicaragua, which could further aggravate the existing crisis.situation in Central America,Recalling all the relevant principles of the Charter of the United Nations,, particularly the obligation of States to settle their disputes exclusively by peaceful means, not to resort to the threat or use of force and to respect the self-determination of peoples and the sovereign independence of all States,Noting the widespread desire expressed by the States concerned to achieve solutions to the differences between them,


Author(s):  
Samrita Sinha ◽  

According to John Quintero, “The decolonisation agenda championed by the United Nations is not based exclusively on independence. It is the exercise of the human right of self-determination, rather than independence per se, that the United Nations has continued to push for.” Situated within ontologies of the human right of self-determination, this paper will focus on an analysis of The Legends of Pensam by Mamang Dai, a writer hailing from the Adi tribe of Arunachal Pradesh, to explore the strategies of decolonisation by which she revitalizes her tribe’s cultural enunciations. The project of decolonisation is predicated on the understanding that colonialism has not only displaced communities but also brought about an erasure of their epistemologies. Consequently, one of its major agenda is to recuperate displaced epistemic positions of such communities. In the context of Northeast India, the history of colonial rule and governance has had long lasting political repercussions which has resulted not only in a culture of impunity and secessionist violence but has also led to the reductive homogeneous construction of the Northeast as conflict ridden. In the contemporary context, the polyethnic, socio-cultural fabric of the Northeast borderlands foregrounds it as an evolving post-colonial geopolitical imaginary. In the light of this, the objective of this paper is to arrive at the ramifications of employing autoethnography as a narrative regime by which Mamang Dai reaffirms the Adi community’s epistemic agency and reclaims the human right towards a cultural self-determination.


Author(s):  
Adom Getachew

This epilogue charts the fall of self-determination and illustrates that the collapse of anticolonial worldmaking continues to structure our contemporary moment. Picking up in the immediate aftermath of the NIEO, it locates self-determination's fall in two developments—the increasingly critical orientation of Western intellectuals and politicians toward the right to self-determination as well as the diminution of international institutions like the United Nations where anticolonial nationalists had staged their worldmaking. Together the normative erosion of self-determination and marginalization of the United Nations set the stage for the resurgence of international hierarchy and a newly unrestrained American imperialism. At the same time, the critical resources of anticolonial nationalism appeared to be exhausted as the institutional form of the postcolonial state fell short of its democratic and egalitarian aspirations, and anticolonial worldmaking retreated into a minimalist defense of the state.


Author(s):  
Vijayashri Sripati

This chapter chronologically traces the Western liberal Constitution’s internationalization from 1919-1960 to establish UNCA’s birth in 1949, rejection in 1960 and revival in 1960. This chapter comprises three sections. Section 1 traces a rise in the Constitution’s internationalization from 1919 to 1960. Section two covers the United Nations’ role from 1949-1952 in assisting Libya, a former Italian colony, adopt the Constitution and emerge independent. UNCA was rejected in 1960 because the right to self-determination morphed into an absolute right for all colonies, whereby they henceforth enjoyed a right to sculpt constitutions of their choice. At this juncture, UNCA serves a limited purpose: to implement decolonization. Section 3 outlines former UN Secretary-General, Dag Hammarskjold’s economic philosophy and his efforts at reviving united nations constitutional assistance to ensure Congo morphs into a market democracy. A discussion of the UN’s constitutional assistance from 1960-64 reveals that its use had nothing to do with perceived local incapacities for governance and how it spawned and guided UN or International territorial administration (e.g., law-making) there.


1974 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 448-453

Reaffirm the direct responsibility which the United Nations assumed with regard to Namibia and reiterate its determination to ensure that the Namibian people achieve self-determination and independence based on the principle of national unity and territorial integrity.Reaffirm the mandate of the Council and the necessity that the Council be consulted on all matters relating to Namibia.


Worldview ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 36-39
Author(s):  
Kesang Tseten

AbstractIt has been twenty years since the Tibetan uprising. Last March, Tibetans and their American supporters rallied outside the United Nations building to commemorate that uprising against Chinese troops occupying the Tibetan homeland.Roger Baldwin, founder of the American Civil Liberties Union and honorary president of the International League for Human Rights, was there calling for support of resolutions passed three times by the U.S. General Assembly, in 1959, 1961, and 1965. The U.S. called “for respect for the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan people and for their right to self-determination.” The rally, Baldwin said, was to protest the “subjection of six million people to foreign rule” and to uphold “the right to live in your own house.” The nonagenarian champion of civil liberties expressed some hope: “It may be that autonomy, semi-independence in Tibet, may be granted when China settles down into the modernization it seeks.”


1998 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 537-572 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Quane

The right of peoples to self-determination is an elusive concept. There is no clear definition of “peoples” or of what the right entails. Instead, there are numerous and at times conflicting interpretations of self-determination. The existence of these various interpretations is not merely of academic or theoretical interest. It can have considerable practical implications.


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