The Political-Religious Sects of Viet-Nam

1955 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard B. Fall
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Viet Nam ◽  
Religious Sects

The Viet Nam Constitution of 1956

1958 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 437-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. A. C. Grant
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Viet Nam ◽  
Demarcation Line ◽  
Entire Area ◽  
Political Boundary ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Saving Measure ◽  
Ngo Dinh Diem

When the forces of the French Union and those of the Viet Minh accepted a cease-fire at Geneva in July, 1954, the 17th Parallel was visioned only as a temporary military demarcation line. Nation-wide elections were to be held within two years to settle the political future of the country; and it was generally taken for granted that the entire area, from the Gate of Nam-Quan on the China border to the Point of Ca-Mau at the tip of the Indo-China peninsula, an area roughly equivalent in size to that of the States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and West Virginia combined, with a population approximating 23 millions, would fall to Ho Chi Minh and his Communists. The device of a delayed election was accepted merely as a face-saving measure to enable the French to withdraw gracefully from the scene by handing over control of the South—and hence responsibility for its future—to a native government.That the 17th Parallel has become, instead, a political boundary separating the Republic of Viet Nam, embracing roughly the southern 40 per cent of the area and nearly half of the population, from the Communist “Democratic Republic of Viet Nam,” has been largely the work of a single man, Ngo Dinh Diem, and his closely knit group of assistants.

Culture, Virtue, And Political Transformation In Contemporary Northern Viet Nam

1997 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 899-920 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shaun Kingsley Malarney
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Viet Nam ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Nonstate Actors ◽  
White Collar Workers ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Political Realm

Recent Research On The Emergence Of civil society in Asia has illustrated that a range of nonstate actors have begun exercising a demonstrable influence on the politics of many countries in the region. Whether it be such grand manifestations as urban white collar workers or students mobilizing in South Korea to end the rule of Chun Doo Hwan (Lee 1993, 351); the urban Thai middle class uniting in the spring of 1992 to end the authoritarian Suchinda regime (Paribatra 1993); the more assertively political groups such as nongovernmental organizations in Korea, Thailand, and Taiwan working to protect the environment (Lee 1993; Paribatra 1993; Weller and Hsiao 1998); or the more prosaic groups of Chinese factory workers, entrepreneurs, crime syndicates, or qigong devotees slowly reworking the state's boundaries (Chamberlain 1993; Madsen 1993; McCormick, Su and Xiao 1992; Perry 1993; Wank 1995), nonstate actors are challenging the state's control over political life and attempting to redefine the political realm in ways that accommodate their own needs and interests. In Viet Nam, as Carlyle Thayer notes, the development of civil society is at a “nascent” stage in which there is still “little scope for the organisation of activity independent of the party-led command structures” (Thayer 1992, 111). However, despite their relative organizational weakness, Vietnamese citizens have begun asserting their own voice in politics. Emboldened by the 1986 Renovation (Dô'i Mó'i) policy's agenda toward “‘broadening democracy’” (Turley 1993a, 263), many Vietnamese have taken advantage of this opportunity to participate more directly in the political process.

The Egalitarian Moment: Asia and Africa, 1950–80. By D. A. LOW. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. xiv + 131. £10.95, paperback (ISBN 0-521-56765-3).

1997 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-177
Author(s):  
BILL FREUND
Keyword(s):  
East Africa ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Viet Nam ◽  
World War ◽  
Cambridge University ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Egalitarian Society ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Second World

These four essays by the distinguished historian Anthony Low, best-known to Africanists for his writings on Uganda, constitute the Wiles Lectures given at the Queen's University, Belfast in 1994. Tightly argued, they revolve around a straightforward point. Despite the political impulse which brought about attempts to create an egalitarian society in the Asian and African countryside, the dominant pattern in the generation after the Second World War was one of the strengthening of the class of rich peasants or kulaks. With a few exceptions, Low points to the effacement of landlord regimes and systems based on inequality from above and through status. Attempts to break the back of the rich peasants succeeded only in certain authoritarian states such as China and Viet Nam and even then, the kulaks reasserted themselves. It is the radical experiments such as Mengistu's Ethiopia and Nyerere's Tanzania that Low best likes to juxtapose with displays of power and effective accumulation from below. The implication must be the evisceration of continued attempts to create an egalitarian countryside. Low ranges widely in making this point looking at East Africa, Ethiopia, Egypt, Iran, India, China and the Pacific and his breathtaking sweep makes this suggestive book an enjoyable read.

Recent Industrial Relations Developments in China and Viet Nam: The Transformation of Industrial Relations in East Asian Transition Economies

2006 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chang-Hee Lee
Keyword(s):  
Transition Economies ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Viet Nam ◽  
The Government ◽  
Labour Disputes ◽  
Positive Results ◽  
Party State

Industrial relations in China and Viet Nam are on the way to divergence. The official industrial relations actors in China have attempted ‘institutional cloning’ of key elements of modern industrial relations such as tripartite consultation and collective bargaining within the political limit imposed by the Party-state. This attempt of preemptive corporatism has so far failed to address the rising tide of various forms of labour disputes while yielding some positive results of gradual strengthening of official trade unions at the workplace. Industrial relations in Viet Nam are characterized by more vibrant associational dynamism at national and provincial levels, which is obvious in the co-existence of cooperation and competition between and within the industrial relations actors. Workers in Viet Nam display greater degree of spontaneous solidarity in the form of well coordinated ‘wildcat strikes’, which are accommodated by the government and the official trade unions at higher level.

scholarly journals Meiji Restoration: The Thought Revolution of Japaneses and Asian Perception

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Do Duc Minh ◽  
Vo Thi Hoa
Keyword(s):  
National Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Viet Nam ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
Meiji Restoration ◽  
Social Fields ◽  
Modern Japan ◽  
Reform And Innovation ◽  
Reform Tradition ◽  
Political Economic

It is a series of reform and innovation events leading to tremendous changes in Japanese social and political structure; The " Meiji Restoration " has brought dramatic changes in the political, economic and social fields in Japan. The reform of the Started from the change in perception and thinking: the Japanese bravely broke with traditional views, traditional ideas are outdated and well received the thoughts, the progressive knowledge of mankind that had made Japan entered the period of strong integration and achieved miracules in the progress of national development. The achievements of the Meiji estoration have established a solid framework and foundation for the development of modern Japan. Keywords: Meiji Reform, tradition, modernity, development. References [1] Lý Minh Tuấn, Tứ thư bình giải, NXB Tôn giáo, 2011. [2] Vũ Dương Ninh, Nguyễn Văn Kim, “Một số chuyên đề lịch sử thế giới”, tập 2, NXB. Đại học Quốc gia, Hà Nội, 2008. [3] Fukuzawa Yukichi, Phúc Ông tự truyện (Phạm Thu Giang dịch), NXB.Thế giới, 2017 (Xuất bản lần đầu 1899). [4] B.Sansom, Lược sử văn hóa Nhật Bản, tập 2, Nxb. Khoa học xã hội, Hà Nội, 1989. [5] Trung Quốc cận đại giản sử, NXB. Nhân dân Thượng Hải, 1975. [6] Phan Đại Liên, Lịch sử Nhật Bản, NXB. Văn hóa Thông tin, Hà Nội, 1995. [7] Fukuzawa Yukichi, “Khuyến học” hay những bài học về tinh thần độc lập tự cường của người Nhật Bản, Nxb Iwanami Bunko Tri thức và phát triển (Phạm Hữu Lợi dịch), NXB Trẻ, 2017. [8] Vũ Khiêu, Nho giáo và phát triển ở Việt Nam, NXB. Khoa học xã hội, Hà Nội, 1997. [9] Francois Jullien, Minh triết phương Đông và Triết học phương Tây hay thể tạng khác của Triết học, editions du Seuil, Février (Nguyên Ngọc dịch), 1998. [10] Nguyễn Thị Hồng Vân, “Cơ cấu xã hội Nhật Bản thời Cận thế”, Tạp chí Nghiên cứu Đông Bắc Á, số 4/2009. [11] Đào Trinh Nhất, Nhật Bản Duy Tân 30 năm, Đông phương xuất bản, Sài Gòn, 1936. [12] Liên hiệp Các Hội KH&KT Việt Nam, “Tạp chí Nhà quản lý", số 27(9)/2005. [13]Fukuzawa Yukichi, “Thoát Á luận”, 1885 (Hải Âu, Kuriki Seiichi dịch).http://www.chungta.com/nd/tu-lieu-tra cuu/thoat_a_luan.html [14] Fukuzawa Yukichi, Bàn về văn minh (First published in 1875; Lê Huy Vũ Nam, Nguyễn Anh Phong dịch), Nxb. Thế giới, 2018. [15] Fukuzawa Yukichi, Khuyến học hay những bài học về tinh thần độc lập tự cường của người Nhật Bản, Nxb Iwanami Bunko Tri thức và phát triển (Phạm Hữu Lợi dịch), Nxb. Trẻ, 2017.  

The Russian Doukhobors and their Religious Teachings

1915 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-81
Author(s):  
Aurelio Palmieri
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Religious Sects ◽  
The One

Of all European countries Russia is the most prolific in religious sects. Distrust of the Orthodox state church, on the one hand, which is regarded as too closely allied to the political power and unmindful of its duties to the people, and, on the other, religious ignorance with its consequent superstition, have given rise to innumerable sects, which range from religious nihilism to the most rigid traditionalism.

scholarly journals The Effectiveness of Industrial Revolution 4.0 on Labours in Industry Enterprises in Thai Nguyen Province, Viet Nam

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 129-132
Author(s):  
Nguyen Thi Oanh ◽  
Phung Tran My Hanh ◽  
Nguyen Thi Dung
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Industry 4.0 ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Viet Nam ◽  
Job Opportunities ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Different Levels

The Industrial Revolution 4.0 has much effectiveness both positive and negative sides on labours in Thai Nguyen province; is one of the political, economic and educational centers of the Northern mountainous midland in developing countries like Vietnam. This paper examines the influencing of Industry 4.0 on labours in Industry enterprises by using secondary data. The results show that in the Industrial Revolution 4.0, labour in Thai Nguyen’s Industry enterprises had many new job opportunities, the chance improving their qualifications, skills. But the labours had many challenges such as increasing in inequality between groups of labour at different levels.

The Political Behavior of the English Catholics, 1850-1867

1964 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josef L. Altholz
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Minority ◽  
Irish Immigrants ◽  
Special Groups ◽  
History Of ◽  
Religious Sects ◽  
Roman Catholics

In the current revision of Victorian history — shattering the stereotypes of parties and classes and emphasizing instead the unpatterned variations of individual and factional bargaining — political history tends to reduce itself to the social history of special groups. Among these groups are the religious sects and movements, whose effective political activity is a notable feature of the nineteenth century. One such group, however, the Roman Catholics of England (as distinct from those of Ireland), seems to be a special case: as an unpopular minority, alien both to the Establishment and to Nonconformity, they were slow to be assimilated into the mainstream of English life, and their political activity was relatively feeble. Nonetheless, a study of the political behavior of the English Catholics may illustrate the process whereby the members of this religious minority made their adjustment to the society in which they lived.In the 1850's, the English Catholics represented about three and one-half per cent of the religious population of England and Wales — over 600,000 persons. Their political strength, however, was less than this figure would indicate. One reason for this was that twothirds of the Roman Catholics in England were Irish, immigrants or the children of immigrants; very few of these possessed sufficient property to qualify for the suffrage. In a few places they might be sufficiently numerous and enfranchised to affect an election. This was the case in Preston, where, in 1852, they turned out an anti-Catholic member.

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