The Origin of the German Evangelical Synod of North America

1935 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 268-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl E. Schneider

The German Evangelical Synod of North America, now merged with the Reformed Church in the United States under the name of Evangelical-Reformed Church, was founded in the year 1840 as Der Deutsche Evangelische Kirchenverein des Westens. It might appear to the casual observer that the establishment of the Kirchenverein, like the founding of all immigrant churches, represented purely the transplantation of a foreign culture to the new world where, protected from old-world influences and indifferent to the forces of a strange environment, it would develop its independent forms. The development of this German religious community on the Missouri frontier, however, can not be understood apart from the conditions prevailing in both Europe and America at the time. From the time of its inception it was put to the task of emancipating itself from the ties which bound it to the fatherland and establishing such contacts with the new environment as would constitute it an American body.

1953 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Tolstoy

Asiatic origins have, at one time or another, been suggested or at least considered for a number of traits connected with the manufacture and decoration of the earlier New World pottery. The well-known paper by McKern (1937) is among the most explicit statements on the subject. Griffin (1946; Sears and Griffin 1950a) has held similar views for some time. Like McKern, he has primarily in mind traits of the Woodland pattern of eastern North America, although he also mentions some non-Woodland traits among those which have counterparts in the Old World (1946, p. 45).Since McKern's paper, the distribution in time of the traits involved has become a lot better established. With the help of the still suspiciously regarded radiocarbon dates, our perspective on ceramic history in the United States has been extended over a span which appears to be that of some four millennia. Among the more significant additions to the Asiatic half of the distributional picture first place must be given to recent Soviet work in eastern Siberia.


2008 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caitlin A. Fitz

A new order for the New World was unfolding in the early nineteenth century, or so many in the United States believed. Between 1808 and 1825, all of Portuguese America and nearly all of Spanish America broke away from Europe, casting off Old World monarchs and inaugurating home-grown governments instead. People throughout the United States looked on with excitement, as the new order seemed at once to vindicate their own revolution as well as offer new possibilities for future progress. Free from obsolete European alliances, they hoped, the entire hemisphere could now rally together around republican government and commercial reciprocity. Statesmen and politicians were no exception, as men from Thomas Jefferson and James Monroe to John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay tried to exclude European influence from the hemisphere while securing new markets for American manufactures and agricultural surplus.


2006 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 359-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick Hale

AbstractHistorians like Oscar Handlin and Timothy L. Smith asserted that international migration, especially that of Europeans to North America, was a process which reinforced traditional religious loyalties. In harmony with this supposed verity, a venerable postulate in the tradition of Scandinavian-American scholarship was that most Norwegian immigrants in the New World (the overwhelming majority of whom had been at least nominal members of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Norway) clung to their birthright religious legacy and affiliated with Lutheran churches after crossing the Atlantic (although for many decades it has been acknowledged that by contrast, vast numbers of their Swedish-American and Danish-American counterparts did not join analogous ethnic Lutheran churches). In the present article, however, it is demonstrated that anticlericalism and alienation from organised religious life were widespread in nineteenth-century Norway, where nonconformist Christian denominations were also proliferating. Furthermore, in accordance with these historical trends, the majority of Norwegian immigrants in the United States of America and Southern Africa did not affiliate with Lutheran churches. Significant minorities joined Baptist, Methodist, and other non-Lutheran religious fellowships, but the majority did not become formally affiliated with either Norwegian or pan-Scandinavian churches.


Author(s):  
Tresa Randall

Hanya Holm arrived in the United States in September 1931 to open the New York Wigman School, created under the patronage of impresario Sol Hurok. On the heels of Mary Wigman's first, highly acclaimed U.S. tour from 1930 to 1931, interest in the Wigman method was high among American dancers, and a small staff from the Wigman Central Institute in Dresden, led by Holm, were sent to New York to capitalize on it. This chapter counters the standard narrative of Holm's assimilation and Americanization. Focusing on Holm's writings during her early years in the United States, it demonstrates how she saw her New World milieu through an Old World lens, conceptualizing the United States as a fragmented society (Gesellschaft) in need of a community that integrated its members and that dance could provide (Tanzgemeinschaft).


The Geologist ◽  
1861 ◽  
Vol 4 (11) ◽  
pp. 469-472
Author(s):  
Charles Carter Blake

One of the greatest and most significant laws which modern palæontology has unfolded to us, is that principle by which it is definitively ascertained that, as a general rule, the animals of the Post-Pliocene, and indeed all the later Tertiary ages, were restricted to the same great geographical provinces as their representatives in the existing fauna. Amongst the Pliocene Mammalia of South America, we find the same preponderance of the Edentata, the same family of prehensile-tailed Monkeys, and the same typical Llamas and Vicuñas, as we find in the present pampas of La Plata, forests of Brazil, or elevations of the Andes.But we also find animals which, from all our previous pre-conceived associations, we had considered peculiar to the old world. The Elephants, of which one species (E. Africanus) now exists in Africa, a second (E. Indicus) in India, and a third (E. Sumatranus) in Sumatra and Ceylon, apart from the extensive and widely-distributed evidences which we find of their fossil remains in Europe, India, China, and Australia, extended their geographical province in the later Tertiary age over the whole of North America. The species of elephant which we find in Siberia (E. primigenius) has also been found over the whole of the space lately marked on our maps as the United States. South of the 30th degree of N. Iatitude it however gives place to a totally different species of true Elephant (Elephas Texianus, Owen, E. Columbi? Falconer), the molars of which, by their less degree of complexity, were more adapted to triturate the soft succulent herbage of Texas and Mexico. Besides these true Elephants, there existed in North America many individuals of the genus Mastodon, to which the present communication more particularly alludes.


1961 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
J. A. S. Grenville

In 1890 America was at peace, the golden age appeared to be at hand; unfettered by the miseries of European strife, in prosperous rather than splendid isolation, the American people confidently looked forward to an even more exciting future. But a new age of danger was rapidly approaching; the nineteenth-century conditions of American safety—geographical isolation, the British fleet, as it turned out, the ‘hostage’ of Canada in American hands, and the balance of power in Europe—were passing away. The era which had seen the new world fattening on the follies of the old was coming to an end; soon the follies of the old world impinged on the peace and prosperity of the new. Within three decades the contest for world power fought out in Europe, and the rise of the youngest of the great nations, Japan, was to endanger the safety of the United States. Yet few Americans recognized the full import of these changes and the need for fresh policies.


PMLA ◽  
1961 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Harold von Hofe

In the monographs and articles dealing with America and the New World in German literature Friedrich Schlegel is usually ignored. There are of course many gaps in our knowledge of America in German literature, as Harold Jantz pointed out in Deutsche Philologie im Aufriß (Berlin, 2nd ed. revised, 1960); the case of Friedrich Schlegel is a striking example. If he is mentioned, as in Paul Weber's America in Imaginative German Literature (1926), Hildegard Meyer's Nord-Amerika im Urteil des deutschen Schrifttums (1929), and in the recently published Amerika im Spiegel des deutschen politischen Denkens (1959) by Ernst Fraenkel, he is represented only by two quotations dating from the last few years of his life. The first treats of the familiar notion that the center of culture might move westward and that the United States would take over the role traditionally played by Europe. In 1792 Herder had asked “O Muse, nimmst du westwârt [sic] deinen Flug?” and in 1818 Platen wrote in his “Colombos Geist”: “Denn nach Westen früchtet die Geschichte, / Denn nach Westen wendet sich der Sieg.” Friedrich Schlegel suggested in 1820 that the shift was conceivable but that it would not take place in his time. Weber, Meyer, and Fraenkel stress SchlegePs underlining of the future, not his concession that the possibility existed. The second quotation is from the seventeenth lecture of the Philosophie der Geschichte (1829) in which he characterized North America as the breeding ground of destructive political principles which initiated an epidemic of revolutions.


2020 ◽  
pp. 193896552097816
Author(s):  
Aaron Adalja ◽  
Florine Livat ◽  
Bradley Rickard ◽  
Alex Susskind

The objective of this research is to examine consumer demand for sparkling wines. We developed a laboratory experiment to collect data on consumers’ willingness to pay (WTP) for selected wines from France, Spain, and the United States (Finger Lakes) under different information treatments. Our results suggest that expenditures and consumption frequency for all wines are most important to WTP and notably that familiarity with sparkling wines was relatively important for the “local” U.S. wine among the consumers in our sample. We discuss the important implications of our findings for managers of small U.S. wineries building their reputations and for restaurants and other food service outlets interested in attracting a broader consumer base.


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