Problems and Policies in the Administration of Nunneries in Mexico, 1800–1835

1971 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asuncion Lavrin

At the end of the eighteenth century, the economic position of the church in New Spain appeared to be secure and prosperous. Although the crown had restricted many of the financial and legal prerogatives of the church in the second half of this century, it had not restricted the basic right of the church to hold property or invest its money in mortgages or loans to lay citizens or to the government. On the contrary, in order to solve its own financial problems, the crown had increasingly relied upon loans from corporations such as the Tribunales de Minería, Consulado, and the church itself. The Minería and Consulado had provided the bulk of such loans after 1780, but these corporations had, in turn, sought loans from ecclesiastical institutions in order to fulfill their promises to the crown. Nunneries in New Spain had made considerable contributions to these loans which appeared as safe investments for these communities. Otherwise, the increasing political and financial entanglements of the mother country in Europe at the end of the century did not mean much for the nunneries. Professions continued to take place, a few new convents were founded prior to 1810, and up to 1805 loans and pious funds continued to be raised and invested in the traditional manner.

1990 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 622-646 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. J. Podmore

Most Anglican crises, including recent ones, seem to boil down in the end to two linked questions — those of identity and authority. Is the Church of England pre-eminently a national or a catholic Church, a Protestant Church (and if so, of what kind?) or Anglican and sui generis? With which of these types of Church should it align itself? Where lies the famed via media, and which are the extremes to be avoided? And who has the authority to decide: as a national Church, parliament, the government, the monarch personally; as an episcopal Church, the bishops? Or should the clergy in convocations (or, latterly, the General Synod, including representatives of the pious laity) take decisions? Anglican crises have always raised these twin problems of identity and authority. In the mid-eighteenth century — from the end of the 1730s and particularly in the 1740s — the Church of England faced another crisis. The Anglican bishops had to come to terms with the movement known as the ‘evangelical revival’. Principles had to be applied to a new situation. The bishops had to decide how to categorise the new societies (or would they become new churches?) which were springing up all over England.


1999 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asunción Lavrin

Este artículo analiza la interrelación de los factores de clase, género y raza en la definición de una política de admisión de mujeres indígenas a las órdenes religiosas de la Nueva España. El argumento teológico que permitiría ubicarlas dentro de los parámetros de espiritualidad de la época maduró en el siglo dieciocho. Clase y raza, usadas previamente para excluirlas, fueron utilizadas por sus promotores para su reivindicación y aceptación, a pesar de residuos de prejuicio racial entre algunos miembros de la iglesia y la burocracia. This article discusses the interplay of class, gender, and race in the definition of a policy of admission of indigenous women to full membership in the regular orders in New Spain. A theological argument to accommodate them within the parameters of established spirituality reached its maturity in the eighteenth century. Class and race--previously used to exclude Indian women--were skillfully used to buttress the acceptance of Indian nuns by their supporters, despite residues of racial prejudice among members of the Church and the bureaucracy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luz María Espinosa Cortés

El propósito de este trabajo es describir las medidas adoptadas por el gobierno y la Iglesia para enfrentar la crisis de subsistencias de 1785-1786. Esta crisis se originó por una serie de sequías severas, heladas tempranas y lluvias excesivas que mermaron las cosechas de maíz. La crisis dejó desempleo, hambre, migración, epidemias y muerte. Para resolver estos problemas, Don Bernardo de Gálvez, Virrey de Nueva España, ordenó varias medidas como la instalación de cocinas públicas para alimentar a los pobres, dar refugio de emergencia a los pobres (mujeres, niños, ancianos e incapacitados), dar empleo a los jóvenes y adultos sanos en la ejecución de obras públicas del Estado y la Iglesia, fomentar la agricultura de riego y recetas de cocina que sustituyeran al maíz. En conclusión, el propósito de las medidas de Gálvez fue proteger la paz social en la Nueva España y con ello, los intereses económicos del Estado y la Iglesia.Palabras clave: desempleo, pobreza, mortalidad, hambre, migración"The Year of Hunger" in New Spain, 1785-1786: corn shortage, epidemics and "soup kitchens" for the poor.Abstract. The purpose of this paper is to describe the measures adopted by the government and the Church to address the food crisis of 1785-1786. This crisis was caused by a series of severe droughts, early frosts and excessive rains that reduced the maize harvests. The crisis left to unemployment, hunger, migration, disease and death. To resolve these problems, Don Bernardo de Gálvez, Viceroy of New Spain, he ordered various measures as the installation of soup kitchens for feeding the poor, provide emergency shelter to the poor (women, children, elderly and disabled); provide employment for the young and healthy adults in the execution of public works the State and the Church; promote irrigated agriculture, and recipes cooking that replace maize. In conclusion, Gálvez purpose was to protect social peace in the New Spain and with it, all the economic interests the State and the Church. Keywords: Unemployment, poverty, mortality, hunger, migration


1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (119) ◽  
pp. 354-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick McNally

The Wood’s Halfpence affair has long been recognised as one of the most serious disputes to have occurred between the Irish and British political establishments during the eighteenth century. There is no doubt that the conflict — caused by Irish resentment over the patent granted to William Wood to coin copper halfpence for Ireland — was one of the most serious ruptures in Anglo-Irish relations between the Williamite war and the ‘patriot’ campaign of the 1750s. The simple fact is that in 1723–4 the British administration was unable to implement its policy in Ireland. The Irish parliamentary managers declined to co-operate in the implementation of Wood’s patent, the Irish privy council failed to offer advice about how the conflict might be resolved, and the Irish lords justices refused to obey the positive orders of the British government.In the past historians have argued that, shocked by the demonstrable unreliability of its Irish servants during this episode, the British government adopted a systematic policy of appointing English officials to the highest offices of Irish state and church. The appointment of Hugh Boulter as primate of the Church of Ireland in 1724 and of Richard West as lord chancellor in 1725 seemed to support such an interpretation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 133 (3) ◽  
pp. 523-546
Author(s):  
Arjan Nobel

Abstract Between continuity and change. The introduction of the civil registry office (burgerlijke stand) in 1811The introduction of the civil registry office ‐ burgerlijke stand ‐ in 1811 is often considered a significant caesura in the registration of personal data. While in previous centuries the church mainly performed this duty, the government took the task upon itself after 1811. However, this article asserts that this was in fact an instance of remarkable continuity. Already in the seventeenth and eighteenth century, the government issued laws to ensure accurate registration by the church and to protect the legal identification of citizens. As this contribution shows, it was precisely with regard to this matter that an increase in centralisation took place. Until 1750, it was primarily the local authorities that laid down rules on the registration of persons. In the second half of the eighteenth century, provincial legislation increasingly came into force, and the civil registry was introduced nationally in 1811.


1975 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 253-273
Author(s):  
John McManners

‘All the gold in the world and all the promises of heaven’ could not persuade Sainte-Beuve to carry on his study of jansenism into the eighteenth century. The spirit of Port-Royal was not there, ‘or at least it was only found in traces, dried up like a branch of a river that has turned aside into the sands and lost itself among the rocks...It is found even less in the entirely political Jansenism which was, or which appeared so considerable for a moment in the eighteenth century, and which allowed many to be of the party, without being of the dogma, or indeed, of religion at all’. The story of Jansenism after the death of Louis XIV is indeed a story of the war of the parlements against the crown – remonstrances, exiles. writs, denunciations, pamphlets; of the rising discontent of the lower clergy, demanding economic justice and a share in the government of the church; of the convulsionist movement, a strange spiritual underworld of masochism and miracles. Upon this barbarous scene of political and social strife and crude illiterate spirituality Sainte-Beuve turned his back, and those who have walked with him through the magic world of Port-Royal will understand his bitterness. The journée du guichet when Angélique Arnauld renounced human affections, the night of fire of 23 November when Pascal wept tears of joy, the cold ethereal beauty of the paintings of Philippe de Champaigne, the intellectual adventure of the alliance with cartesianism, the grammar, the logic, the translation of the new testament, the plays of Racine and the Pensées of Pascal – the eighteenth century can offer nothing like this.


1959 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 353-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret V. Campbell

Any history of education in republican Chile, however brief, must of necessity touch first upon the colonial period. Although education, and indeed government, were completely dominated by the Church during the colonial period, in the late eighteenth century Chile grew restless under religious domination and began to free both its educational system and its governmental process from absolute church control.Prior to the eighteenth century education had been the exclusive prerogative of the church. In the period immediately preceding the Independence the Church and the clergy began to lose some of their unchallenged importance and authority. This loss was reflected in administration and schools. The expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 and the not-too-respectful criticism of things religious by Charles III indicated that the Church was no longer directing the government and hence was no longer the dominant element in the educational process.


1890 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 93-99
Author(s):  
James William McIlvain

There are among the archives of Maryland preserved at Annapolis (the colonial records are perhaps the best in the country) some curious documentary proofs of the existence of a large number of Puritans in the colony. Indeed, these State papers contain almost all the account that we have of their presence there at an early date, as all their purely ecclesiastical documents have perished. They were there, however, from a very early period, and in such large numbers, that Maryland cannot be called a Roman Catholic colony in the sense that Massachusetts can be called a Puritan colony, or Virginia a colony of the Cavaliers. The Protestants were in the majority from the very beginning, as the reports of the Jesuit fathers clearly show. The celebrated Act of Toleration was evidently a compromise between the Lord Proprietor and his Protestant subjects, a piece of legislation which reflects great credit upon the common-sense of Lord Baltimore, even if we may suspect that on this occasion he made a virtue of necessity. Of these Protestants so large a number were Puritans in their sympathies, that they ruled the colony during the Commonwealth, passing a law, which is little to their credit, which deprived both Papists and prelatists of any part in the government. For a long time the colony continued Puritan in its tone. So late as 1676 Lord Baltimore objected to the proposed action of the Privy Council of England looking toward the establishment of the Church of the mother country as the established church of Maryland, on the ground that the large majority of the inhabitants of the province were either Presbyterians, Independents, or Quakers. He represents those of his own faith as being but a small minority. The Episcopalians, also, did not form a majority until some time after the establishment of the Church of England, at the beginning of the next century.


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