Contemporary Northern Irish Society

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Coulter
Keyword(s):  
2011 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marta Kempny

Based on one year of ethnographic fieldwork, this article discusses the narratives of perceived discrimination and ethnic hatred of Polish migrants in Belfast. Using narrative theory, it examines the construction of identity of Poles as an unprivileged stratum of the Northern Irish society. Migrants' stories are followed by analysis of the contradictions and tensions between what they construct as their realities and 'objective truth'. Subsequently, the article accounts for these tensions by exploring the links between 'cultural repertoires' of Polish migrants and the ways in which their narratives are presented.


Ethnologies ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriele Marranci

Abstract Language is an important identity marker and is often a symbol of immigrants’ resistance to assimilation within the host societies. Indeed, by speaking their own languages, immigrants in Europe develop their transnational identities and set up defensive boundaries against possible cultural homogenisations. This is particularly relevant for Muslim immigrants, since Arabic is both an identity and a religious symbol. In many European mosques, Muslims consider Arabic as the only acceptable language. In particular the khutbat [Friday sermon] should be written and read in Arabic. In contrast, Muslims in Northern Ireland, who have developed their ummah [community of believers] in the only mosque and cultural centre they have (located in the Northern Ireland’s capital, Belfast), have selected English as their main community language. In this article, the author analyzes the reasons that have brought this Muslim community to use English as a complex metaphor of their peculiar social-cultural position within Northern Irish society.


Significance The controversial celebration of King William III's victory against the Irish at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690 is a stark reminder of the divisions that still exist in Northern Irish society and could erupt once again in the context of Brexit. All sides are thus keen to ensure that the hardening of the border does not lead to a widening division between the United Kingdom and Ireland, and, in turn, between UK unionism and Irish nationalism within Northern Ireland. Impacts Programmes operating across the border, especially those funded by the EU, are at risk of profound disruption. Increasing unemployment or declining public services could exacerbate the risk of resurgent criminal activity. Continued uncertainty around Brexit could prompt some businesses to move pre-emptively to the jurisdiction of Ireland (and thus the EU). Criminal groups could profit from illicit trade and duty evasion when the border returns to being a customs frontier.


2021 ◽  
pp. 269-318
Author(s):  
James Waller

The risk factors discussed in the previous three chapters are a creeping, erosive rot that continue to undermine the structural integrity and stability of Northern Irish society. If left unaddressed, they can drag this deeply divided “post-conflict” society back into the abyss of violent conflict. There are a range of internal and external accelerants, some of which could metastasize into triggers, that further threaten the stability of peace in contemporary Northern Ireland and increase the risk of violent conflict. Among these are (1) acute economic deterioration, (2) outbreaks of limited paramilitary violence, and (3) a vote on a united Ireland. These three accelerants are cross-cutting and intersecting. In the context of these accelerants further undermining the structural integrity and stability of Northern Irish society, there are a soberingly wide range of triggering factors that can make the return of violent conflict in contemporary Northern Ireland likely or imminent.


2002 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-122
Author(s):  
Niall Ó'Dohartaigh
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-59
Author(s):  
Anna Maria Zaluczkowska

This research explores the role of the writer in interactive transmedia production through a research project that has been primarily designed to take place within contemporary Northern Ireland. Red Branch Heroes was created, in association with Bellyfeel Productions1, as a prototype for a more extensive fictional interactive web series that will be known as The Eleven. The author developed a game-like scenario where, through their play, the audience influenced and developed character and story elements. The research asks if interactive forms such as transmedia offer any new storytelling potentials to the people of Northern Ireland and how such projects can contribute to debates about e-politics and e-democracy in post-conflict societies. Evidence is presented in this article to suggest that the ‘negotiated narratives' formulated in this prototype offer further creative community-building possibilities, in neutral spaces that can facilitate discourses about the future.


Author(s):  
Eneko COMPAINS SILVA

LABURPENA: Idazlan honen helburua Brexit-ak Ipar Irlandan uzten duen eskenatokiaren azterketa egitea da, aintzat hartuta Brexit-a Ipar Irlandako herritarren gehiengoaren aurka gauzatuko dela. Horretarako, lehenik, lurralde honek egun duen estatus juridiko-politikoaren azalpena egingo da. Bigarrenik, Brexit-aren ondorio juridiko-konstituzionalen azalpena egingo da, bereziki erreparatuz Ipar Irlandak hura frenatu edota baldintzatzeko dituen tresnei. Hirugarrenik, azken hauteskundeen ondotik geratu den eskenatoki politikoaren azalpena egingo da; eta azkenik, ondorio moduan, etorkizunari begirako aukerak aztertuko dira. ¿Brexit-ak Irlandaren batasunera hurbiltzen gaitu? ¿Erreferendumik egongo da? RESUMEN: El presente trabajo analiza el incierto escenario que deja en Irlanda del Norte el Brexit, que cuenta con el rechazo de la mayoría ciudadana norirlandesa. Para ello, se explicará primeramente cuál es el estatus jurídico-político que tiene Irlanda del Norte a día de hoy. En segundo lugar, se explicarán las implicaciones jurídico-constitucionales del Brexit así como las herramientas legales que tiene Irlanda del Norte para frenarlo o condicionarlo. En tercer lugar, se analizará el escenario político que queda en la isla tras las últimas elecciones; y en cuarto y último lugar, a modo de conclusión, se analizarán las opciones de futuro. ¿Nos acerca el Brexit a la unidad de Irlanda? ¿Habrá referéndum? ABSTRACT: The aim of this paper is to analyze the uncertain scenario that Brexit, which is rejected by a majority of the Northern-Irish society, leaves in Northern Ireland. With this purpose, we first explain the legal-political status of Northern Ireland nowadays. Secondly, we explain the legal and constitutional implications of the Brexit as well as the legal tools that Northern Ireland has to curb or condition it. Thirdly, we analyze the political scenario that remains on this devolved region after the last elections; and finally, we analyze future options. Are we approaching the unity of Ireland? Will there be a referendum?


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-318
Author(s):  
Marilynn Richtarik

Deirdre Madden's novel One by One in the Darkness, first published in 1996, marks its twenty-fifth anniversary in 2021. Madden began writing the book in 1993 in anticipation of another anniversary (a quarter century of political and sectarian violence in Northern Ireland) and completed it in 1995. I argue that she was both responding to contemporary events, including the 1994 paramilitary ceasefires, and attempting to shape the way that people would think about the impact of the Troubles in the post-conflict period. One by One in the Darkness is usually read as the story of a family that has suffered a traumatic loss: the violent death of its patriarch. I contend, in contrast, that the family's experience is more representative than exceptional. This essay explores the formal means by which Madden makes her point about the lingering effects of trauma on individuals and Northern Irish society at large.


2000 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Brogden

This paper challenges common portrayals of Northern Ireland as a low-crime society. Such portrayals are often based on victim surveys and other positivist criminological approaches. The paper proposes that much criminality may he concealed by social and political characteristics of northern Irish society. These characteristics mean that current frameworks for measuring crime, such as victim surveys or police reports, are inappropriate as are comparisons of the north of Ireland with other societies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 485-495
Author(s):  
Thomas Kavanagh

Nearly two decades after the Good Friday Agreement, sectarianism still functions to structure much of the Northern Irish society. While this is often considered in terms of high-profile cases of sectarian violence, most sectarian behavior occurs in everyday practices. This article explores how sectarianism is expressed and understood within the context of a Northern Irish rugby club. I conducted a season-long ethnography using participant observation, focus group discussions, and semistructured interviews to gain an understanding of the particular context which framed the sectarian discourses at the club. Rather than a purely oppressive model, Ballycross RFC showcased how the sectarian climate of the Northern Irish society can be used and experienced in a multitude of ways.


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