National Socialism and Anti-Semitism in Intergenerational Dialogue

2010 ◽  
pp. 305-314
Author(s):  
Gabriele Rosenthal
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Intergenerational Dialogue

Austrian and Czech neuroscience becomes “coordinated” under National Socialism

2020 ◽  
pp. 279-318
Author(s):  
Lawrence A. Zeidman
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
Racial Hygiene ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Neurology Clinic ◽  
The Law ◽  
Hereditary Conditions

The Austrian neuroscience consolidation came swiftly and terribly on “non-Aryans.” Austrian anti-Semitism was arguably even more virulent than in Germany. And laws had already escalated in Nazi Germany to the point that Jewish physicians at most could only treat other Jews as derogatorily called “sick treaters”; these laws were instantly applicable in “annexed” Austria, with no stepwise progressive disfranchisement. Even “Aryan” neurologists who were thought to be unsympathetic to the Nazi movement were dismissed shortly after the “annexation.” The Vienna university neurology clinic was taken over primarily by SS neurologists who had been “illegal” Nazis before the annexation and were extremely dedicated to the Nazi cause. At least one, Walther Birkmayer, spoke of expanding the sterilization law to other hereditary conditions not stipulated already by the law. At least nine racial or political neuroscientist replacements, including directors of institutes, led to racial hygiene consequences, including execution of sterilization and euthanasia programs.

The Holocaust in European History

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Roseman
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
Total War ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Unique Event ◽  
Fundamental Causes ◽  
Entry Points ◽  
The Holocaust

This chapter outlines some of the Holocaust’s fundamental causes and characteristics, and its parallels and contrasts with other genocides. It begins by reminding readers of the profound questioning and uncertainty about human progress that emerged in the wake of the experience of National Socialism and the Holocaust, as a result of which our relationship to the modern world has changed. It notes the continuing difficulty historians, social scientists, and others face in applying general models or frameworks to explain the Holocaust, despite a growing consensus that it is neither uniquely mysterious nor a unique event. It then identifies a series of causal moments—crisis, ideology and specifically anti-Semitism, participation, total war, imperialism, and collaboration—that provide entry points to understanding the Holocaust, and at the same time illustrate the ways it mirrors and diverges from other genocides and mega-murders. It concludes with one of the Holocaust’s most distinctive features—the scale and sophistication of victim chronicles of the event.

scholarly journals Norwegian Fascism in a Transnational Perspective: The Influence of German National Socialism and Italian Fascism on the Nasjonal Samling, 1933–1936

Fascism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-60
Author(s):  
Martin Kristoffer Hamre
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Role Models ◽  
Initial Point ◽  
Main Argument ◽  
Italian Fascism ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
National Movement ◽  
The Common ◽  
Party Press

Following the transnational turn within fascist studies, this paper examines the role German National Socialism and Italian Fascism played in the transformation of the Norwegian fascist party Nasjonal Samling in the years 1933–1936. It takes the rivalry of the two role models as the initial point and focusses on the reception of Italy and Germany in the party press of the Nasjonal Samling. The main topics of research are therefore the role of corporatism, the involvement in the organization caur and the increasing importance of anti-Semitism. One main argument is that both indirect and direct German influence on the Nasjonal Samling in autumn 1935 led to a radicalization of the party and the endorsement of anti-Semitic attitudes. However, the Nasjonal Samling under leader Vidkun Quisling never prioritized Italo-German rivalry as such. Instead, it perceived itself as an independent national movement in the common battle of a European-wide phenomenon against its arch-enemies: liberalism and communism.

A Strident Silencing

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Na'ama Sheffi
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Richard Wagner ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
Educational Implications ◽  
Anti Jewish ◽  
State Of Israel

This chapter examines the controversy surrounding the Wagner affair in Israel: the ban on composer Richard Wagner (1813–1883) by Israeli authorities following Kristallnacht, the anti-Jewish pogrom that took place in Germany in November 1938. After the State of Israel was created in 1948, Wagner became identified with the racist views of National Socialism and vicious anti-Semitism and his work emerged as one of the explicit symbols of the Holocaust and its atrocities. This chapter considers the fundamental reasons for the opposition to performing Wagner’s work in Israel within a broad cultural and political context, suggesting that his music served as a stark reminder in Israel of the Holocaust of European Jews. It also discusses the cultural, historical, and educational implications of the ban on Wagner.

Nazis in the Middle East: Assessing Links Between Nazism and Islam

2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
MIA LEE
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
National Socialism ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Racial Ideology ◽  
Nazi Regime ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood

Since the early-2000s there has been an increasing amount of research on connections between the Nazi regime and the Arab world largely spurred by scholars of Germany. One of the key contributions of this scholarship has been the argument that historic links between National Socialism and Islam, in particular the connection between National Socialist racial ideology and contemporary anti-Semitism in the Middle East, persisted into the post-war period and crucially shaped Middle Eastern politics and policies. This approach is represented in this review in the studies by Matthias Küntzel, Jeffrey Herf, Klaus-Michael Mallmann and Martin Cüppers and Barry Rubin and Wolfgang Schwanitz, who all – in various ways – suggest that there is a direct line of continuity between National Socialism, the Muslim Brotherhood and the rise of al-Qaeda. By calling attention to the role of National Socialism, these studies challenge what has hitherto been the dominant historiography of the modern Middle East, which contextualises the rise of anti-Semitism in the region within a broader analysis of Arab nationalism, anti-imperialism and anti-Zionism. The debate on the importance of National Socialism in the Arab world continues to develop. Recent books by historians David Motadel and Stefan Ihrig return the focus from the Middle East to Nazi policy in the region allowing them to place the Nazi regime within a longer history of Western misapprehensions of the ‘Muslim’ world. Placing these two approaches side by side allows us to evaluate the historical evidence of collaboration between Nazism and radical Islam and thereby assess the extent to which Nazi racial ideology penetrated the Arab world.

Die Programmierung des Vergessens - Massenmedien und Geschichtsbewußtsein

1987 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maximilian Gottschlich
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
National Socialism ◽  
The United States ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Historical Processes ◽  
Current Events ◽  
The Media ◽  
Second Year ◽  
Public Reaction ◽  
Full Swing

SummaryThe election of Kurt Waldheim as Austrian Federal President in June 1986 as well as Austrian public reaction to western criticism, have made one thing clear: More than 40 years after the catastrophe of National Socialism, the mechanisms of forgetting and ignoring are still in full swing in Austria. Guilty for the collective inability to remember, the inability to realize Austria’s culpable involvement in the Nazi dictatorship and thus for the current neurosis, the growing anti-Semitism and anti-Americanism, are the silent Church, and particularly the political parties and the Austrian media. In the second year after Waldheim’s election - if one analyzes the structures of public communication in Austria - there is less talk than ever of dealing with history, enlightenment, or even “sad work”. Public opinion emphasizes chauvinism of the Alpine republic, hatred of Jews, and hostility toward the United States. In addition, basic media difficulties can be seen in handling the past, particularly the difficulty to make historical processes visible in the abundance of shots of current events, and the focusing of the media on what is going on here and now.

scholarly journals Morality and Language of National Socialism

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 80-99
Author(s):  
Andreas Buller ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Third Reich ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Public Language ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
Socialist Morality ◽  
A Minor ◽  
Relationship Of

This article presents an analysis of the diaries of the well-known German philologist of Jew­ish origin Victor Klemperer, who kept them in the Third Reich. From the perspective of these diaries, the author of the article examines the three central problems of the totalitarian language: the problem of its genesis and dissemination, the problem of the relationship of language with the ideology and morality of Nazi society, and, finally, the problem of per­sonal responsibility, especially the responsibility of public persons for the public language. Klemperer asks himself a question that we must ask ourselves as well: how can the language of a minor extremist (racist, religious, revolutionary) minority become the language of the majority? Furthermore, under what conditions does this linguistic change happen? Under what conditions does the totalitarian language emerge and spread? The danger of the totalitarian language is that it creates a seemingly legitimate basis to exclude a particular group or even specific groups from the society, thereby turning certain people into outsiders. The totalitarian language allows people to draw, mark and select. But behind this linguistic selection there is always a certain morality that implies concrete moral convictions and ethi­cal ideas. And so it was with the morality of National Socialism. The National Socialist morality was characterized by the spirit of racism and anti-Semitism, which manifested it­self primarily in the language of National Socialism. For this reason, we need to study the National Socialist language. But it also presupposes the study of National Socialist morality. This morality appears from time to time in the modern German language, esp. in the language of modern German extremists and racists. It poses a great danger to our soci­ety. In this respect, the study of the language of extremism can help us a lot, not only in or­der to recognize the close relationship between language and morality, but also possibly to avoid social catastrophes.

National Socialism and Fascism

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irving Hexham
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Nazi Party ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Italian Fascism ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
The Press ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
National Socialists ◽  
The 1950S

To appreciate that the various forms of fascism, particularly German National Socialism under Adolf Hitler’s Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP, National Socialist German Workers' Party commonly known as the Nazi Party; 1920–1945) and Italian Fascism under Benito Mussolini’s Partito Nazionale Fascista (PNF, National Fascist Party; 1922–1943), are embedded within modernism, one must first recognize that the reality and horror of the Holocaust has distorted our understanding of Nazism in three significant ways. First, until at least the early 1990s the crude anti-Semitism of National Socialists like Julius Streicher (1885–1946) and Johann van Leers (1902–1965) prevented scholars from taking seriously the notion that National Socialism is an ideology that intellectuals helped define. Secondly, because anti-Semitism did not obviously manifest itself among Italian modernists and fascists, it discouraged comparison. Thirdly, starting in the 1950s many surviving National Socialists, who were formerly passionate SS-intellectuals like Sigrid Hunke (1913–1999) (Poewe 2011) or like the head of the Press Division of Ribbentrop’s Foreign Office Paul Karl Schmidt (1911–1997) (Plöger 2009), among many others, reinvented themselves.

The Talmudic way of thinking cannot suddenly have disappeared from us. Death instinct, anti-Semitism and Jewish traditions in the foundation matrix of group analysis

2021 ◽  
pp. 053331642110541
Author(s):  
Martin Weimer
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Group Analysis ◽  
The Self ◽  
Death Instinct ◽  
Creative Potential ◽  
Pleasure Principle ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
History Of ◽  
Group Form ◽  
Post Traumatic

One hundred years after the publication of Freud’s Beyond the Pleasure Principle (Freud, 1920), anti-Semitism is understood as the realization of the (self-)destructive force in its group form of the anti-group (Nitsun, 1996). Foulkes’ secrecy about the impacts of the German National Socialism(NS)-anti-group in his life (unlike Freud and Elias), as well as the libidinal idealization of the group, can be understood as a post-traumatic defence. But, as Nitsun (1996) has demonstrated, the creative potential of the anti-group can help to develop the group if it is analysed by the group, and can also be demonstrated by this example: the analysis of the traumatic effects of the NS-annihilation-anti-Semitism on the history of group analysis may reveal its hidden prophetic and rabbinical traditions in its foundation matrix. In this respect we can think of every group analytical session as a sign that Auschwitz did not win.

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