Policy, Peace-Building, and “the Past” during the Decade of Centenaries

2018 ◽  
pp. 56-86
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  

In what way did or does the past lend credence to religion and how did or does the formation of and departure from tradition affect claims to religious truth? How does historical reasoning contribute towards the unravelling of religious conflicts and what role does history play in concrete peace building processes? The contributions to this volume tackle these questions. Collectively, they take a decidedly multidisciplinary and diachronic perspective, throwing light upon an important subject with significant contemporary reverberations.


Temida ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 9-10
Author(s):  
Goran Bozicevic

The conclusion of the research conducted in Croatia for QPSW in 2003 is there is no systematic, accountable and structural confrontation with the past in Croatia, but there is growing concern within the civil society about the problems incurred by the lack of such a confrontation. Two different approaches can be discerned: individual work with particular persons or target groups and advocacy that could influence the alteration of the public opinion and decision-making. Both levels are necessary and they should unfold simultaneously. The systematization and regional cooperation of documentation centers, cooperation between victim organizations and peace initiatives, the inclusion of former warriors into peace building processes the cooperation of artists and activists - represent some of the new and promising steps on the civilian scene in Croatia. The constant strengthening of the independent media and the judiciary, coupled with constant efforts on both levels - the personal and the public - raises hopes that the confrontation with the past in Croatia is a process and not a trend.


2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Soleil Frère

In the past ten years, elections were held in six countries of Central Africa experiencing “post-conflict” situations. The polls that took place in Burundi (2005), the Central African Republic (2005), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (2006), Congo-Brazzaville (2002, 2007), Chad (1996, 2001, 2006) and Rwanda (2003) were crucial for peace-building. In some cases, they were widely supported and supervised by the international community, being considered the last step of a peace process and the first step toward establishing a truly representative “post-conflict” regime. The media were expected to play a large part in supporting these elections, both to inform the citizens, so they could make an educated choice, and to supervise the way the electoral administration was organizing the polls. This paper attempts to show the many challenges faced by the media while covering these post-conflict electoral processes. In a context of great political tension, in which candidates are often former belligerents who have just put down their guns to go to the polls, the media operate in an unsafe and economically damaged environment, suffering from a lack of infrastructure, inadequate equipment and untrained staff. Given those constraints, one might wonder if the media should be considered actual democratic tools in Central Africa or just gimmicks in a “peace-building kit” (including “free and fair” elections, multipartism and freedom of the press) with no real impact on the democratic commitment of the elite or the political participation of the population.


Author(s):  
Audrey Horning

Drawing from efforts to engage archaeology as an integral part of peace-building in post-Troubles Northern Ireland, the risks and the rewards of collaborative cross-community practice are addressed. Focus is on the ethical challenges of negotiating the politics of the present while staying true to the evidence of the past. Positioning archaeology as a means of bridging the divisions in post-conflict settings toward the creation of a stable, shared society requires an ability to not only listen, but also to hear and respect the strength of personal and community narratives, even when those narratives may be founded on fundamental misrepresentations of the past.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Farmaki ◽  
Katerina Antoniou

Purpose This paper aims to extend understanding on how the tourist experience at dark heritage sites is directed and consequently influences the narratives of cultural heritage. By discussing the way dark heritage sites are projected by suppliers, the paper anticipates to advance knowledge on the nexus between dark tourism and heritage and to offer insights into the management of dissonant heritage sites. Design/methodology/approach The cases of two opposing national museums in the divided island of Cyprus are presented and discussed in an attempt to illustrate how dissonant heritage interpretation in a post-conflict context is often the product of political direction, commemorating the past and to a great extent influencing the future of a society. Findings National struggle museums represent dark heritage sites, which evoke emotions pertinent to ethnic identity reinforcement. Evidently, the management of such sites is in opposition to peace-building efforts taking place in a post-conflict context. The paper concludes that visitation to dark heritage sites is culturally driven rather than death-related and suggests that efforts consolidate to target specific segments of visitors, if the reconciliation potential of dark tourism is to be unleashed. Originality/value Insofar, minimal attention has been paid on the conditions of the supply of dark heritage sites and the role of suppliers in influencing culture-based issues including collective memory and national identity. This paper addresses this gap in literature and advances understanding on the developmental elements defining dark heritage tourism, by identifying and discussing trajectories between dark tourism and politics.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Azra Hromadžić

The processes of peace-building and democratization in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) were instituted on 14 December 1995 by the Dayton Accords, which brought an end to the Bosnian War. While claiming their objectives to be reconciliation, democracy, and ethnic pluralism, the accords inscribed in law the ethnic partition between Bosnian Serbs, Croats, and Muslims by granting rights to “people” based on their identification as “ethnic collectivities.” This powerful tension at the heart of “democratization” efforts has been central to what has transpired over the past 16 years. My account uses ethnographic methods and anthropological analysis to document how the ethnic emphasis of the local nationalist projects and international integration policies is working in practice to flatten the multilayered discourses of nationhood in BiH. As a result of these processes, long-standing notions of trans-ethnic nationhood in BiH lost their political visibility and potency. In this article I explore how trans-ethnicnarodor nation(hood) — as a space of popular politics, cultural interconnectedness, morality, political critique, and economic victimhood — still lingers in the memories and practices of ordinary Bosnians and Herzegovinians, thus powerfully informing their political subjectivities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abigail Branford

Teaching sensitive histories in post-conflict societies makes particular demands on educators to understand students’ identities and their relationships to the past. This paper expands our understanding of post-conflict youth identities and experiences of history education through a small-scale study of students’ life stories in Northern Ireland which defied sectarian boundaries in different ways: some were children of interfaith marriages, while others attended integrated schools or were part of cross-community peace-building organisations. Participants saw themselves as forging new identities and ‘moving on’ from the past, although this process was fraught with ambivalence. I describe these expressions of identity through Ulrich Beck’s (1992) model of triple individualisation. For these ‘post-sectarian’ students, school history was seen largely as a tool towards achieving qualification, far removed from their everyday struggles of self-fashioning.


2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 314-340
Author(s):  
Rimantė Jaugaitė

Abstract This article argues that contemporary post-Yugoslav cinema contributes to a better understanding of the deeply divided societies in the aftermath the Yugoslav Wars (1991–2001), in terms of stimulating empathy for the Other, and, more specifically, raising awareness of the loss of human lives, thus memorializing and commemorating these experiences. It also explores how film directors deal with social issues, including war crimes, and how they appear as activist citizens while their governments struggle to take relevant action. The research aims to bridge the gap between the more theoretical literature that focuses on the role of the media in dealing with the past and more practical analysis providing examples from contemporary post-Yugoslav cinema, and to illuminate the link between film, peace-building and active citizenship. Finally, the article stresses how the idea of post-war reconciliation may be communicated through films and pertains to the notion that a positive film effect exists.


2019 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariann Bardocz-Bencsik ◽  
Tamas Doczi

AbstractOver the past two decades, there has been a growing interest in the use of sport and other forms of physical activity to reach development goals and to support peace-building and peace-keeping processes. The sport for development and peace (SDP) sector is continuously growing in terms of the types of stakeholders involved and the number of projects implemented.This paper examines the SDP sector using Bourdieu’s field theory and his concept of habitus and capital. For this, a qualitative analysis of semi-structured interviews with 10 people involved in SDP was used. Their perception of the stakeholders in the field and the connections between them are analyzed through the lens of field theory. The analysis particularly focuses on the perceived role of the former United Nations Office of Sport for Development and Peace (UNOSDP), which was closed during the data analysis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 236-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Binsar Jonathan Pakpahan

Memory plays an important role in peace building efforts and reconciliation processes. In the modern world, memory is a contesting battleground, where the winner has the merit to write down the story. However, the advancement of technology of memory, and the rise of postmodern philosophy that addresses the importance of alternative memories have contributed to the complexity of the web of memories of the past. How do we deal with contesting memories, and more importantly, how do we heal them? This paper will explore the possibility of a Christian theology of remembrance that serves as a basis of peace-building and reconciliation. Christian worship and theology are based directly on the order to remember. The act of remembering Christ that is being celebrated in the liturgy of the Eucharist is a demanding remembrance. It has a three-fold demand: First, we are asked to remember the suffering as memoria passionis [memory of the suffering of Christ]—as our responsibility towards others; second, we are asked to love our neighbors who come to the table as a consequence of God’s command to love; and third, we ask God to remember us, because every time we remember Christ, we are demanding that God remember the Parousia [the coming] as the fulfilment of God’s promise. Through these consequences of the remembrance of the past, we are offered a chance of changing the meaning of our painful memories, and instead to remember them peacefully.


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