scholarly journals The Union State and the Union Economy: Political Economy of Russian-Belarusian Cooperation

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 106-126
Author(s):  
M. V. Vilisov

Against the background of political instability in Belarus and unsuccessful attempts to “deepen integration” in 2019-2020, the political economy of Russian-Belarusian cooperation as a subject of study goes far beyond academic interest and is of great practical importance. The article suggests that explanation of the integration difficulties in inside the nature of the existing Belarusian political and economic model, which becomes the main object of analysis. By analogy with the political economic model of “Putinomics” by С.Miller and the results of a comparative analysis, the political economic model of “Lukashenomics” and its main strategies (centralization of power, a high level of social obligations, state control of the economy, extraction of “political rent” from relations with Russia and the priority statehood over state solvency) are explained. On the basis of the model of resilience and stability of state systems developed earlier by the author as part of the team, the influence of the “Lukashenomics” on the resilience and stability of the state system of Belarus is determined. The fundamental incompatibility of the existing Belarusian and Russian political economic models is revealed and the prospects for the development of Russian-Belarusian relations in the context of possible scenarios for the transformation of the Belarusian model are determined.

2020 ◽  
Vol 87 (6) ◽  
pp. 2568-2599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurent Bouton ◽  
Alessandro Lizzeri ◽  
Nicola Persico

Abstract This article presents a dynamic political-economic model of total government obligations. Its focus is on the interplay between debt and entitlements. In our model, both are tools by which temporarily powerful groups can extract resources from groups that will be powerful in the future: debt transfers resources across periods; entitlements directly target the future allocation of resources. We prove the following results. First, the presence of endogenous entitlements dampens the incentives of politically powerful groups to accumulate debt, but it leads to an increase in total government obligations. Second, fiscal rules can have perverse effects: if entitlements are unconstrained, and there are capital market frictions, debt limits lead to an increase in total government obligations and to worse outcomes for all groups. Analogous results hold for entitlement limits. Third, our model sheds some lights on the influence of capital market frictions on the incentives of governments to adopt fiscal rules, and implement entitlement programs. Finally, we identify preference polarization as a possible explanation for the joint growth of debt and entitlements.


2021 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Morten Axel Pedersen ◽  
Kristoffer Albris ◽  
Nick Seaver

Attention has become an issue of intense political, economic, and moral concern over recent years: from the commodification of attention by digital platforms to the alleged loss of the attentional capacities of screen-addicted children (and their parents). While attention has rarely been an explicit focus of anthropological inquiry, it has still played an important if mostly tacit part in many anthropological debates and subfields. Focusing on anthropological scholarship on digital worlds and ritual forms, we review resources for colleagues interested in this burgeoning topic of research and identify potential avenues for an incipient anthropology of attention, which studies how attentional technologies and techniques mold human minds and bodies in more or less intentional ways. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Anthropology, Volume 50 is October 2021. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.


2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (03) ◽  
pp. 163-174
Author(s):  
Nadia Fadil Abbas FADLE

The political leadership in India has realized since independence in the year 1947 that it needs to create distinct political, economic and social conditions to move on the path of development based on the human and natural capabilities of India that qualify it to reach the ranks of major powers, the most important characteristic of public policies in India is the comprehensiveness of its results And its outputs for large segments of Indian society, which necessitated attention to developing high-level strategies in various sectors and paying attention to internal challenges and external threats. India pursued the path of development and became an economically advanced country that competes with major powers in the scientific and technological field and became advanced in the field of emerging energy and entered the nuclear club.


2020 ◽  
pp. 89-108
Author(s):  
Jacques Boulet

This chapter assesses the resurfacing of populism and its much-discussed and documented adoption and enactment by leaders and citizens. More specifically, it discusses reasons for this (re-)emergence and its effects on people's daily lives and their participation in community life against the wider political-economic background, two areas central to much community development theory and practice. The first question posed is: what is going on with and around people — especially their modalities of 'being' and 'relating' — rendering them more 'prone' to being influenced by populisms and become populisms' 'accomplices'? Second, what role does social media play in this imposition/complicity dialectic? Indeed, social media powerfully invades and interpenetrates all levels and processes of the political economy, of people's everyday experiences and their subjective-affective lives, and they infest the mediating institutions operating 'between' the virtual global and the imperceptible here and now. Finally, a third question is posed: what is the effect of such socially mediated populism on communities and on efforts to (re)develop and maintain them? The chapter concludes with some ideas about ways to resist the (combined) assault of populism and social media and restart the project of democracy.


1982 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles H. Wood

The equilibrium model of labor mobility and the historical-structural perspective on population movement are summarized and critiqued. A comparative analysis identifies the sources of the growing discontinuity in the contemporary literature on migration by exploring the theoretical and methodological implications of the contrasting paradigms of socioeconomic development in which each perspective is embedded. The last section outlines an alternative approach to the study of migration by shifting the unit of analysis to the household. It is argued that the analysis household sustenance strategies, interpreted within the political economy of which the household is a part, provides the basis for integrating structural and behavioral perspectives on the study of population movement.


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Richards

In many otherwise diverse societies, owners of large agricultural estates have paid their year-round workers with the use of a piece of land on which to produce their own subsistence crops. In a “preliminary report” Magnus Morner cited some eleven examples of this system in Europe, Latin America, and Africa. Although Mörner mentions different influences, he does not advance an argument to explain these systems. This essay seeks to contribute to our understanding of the political economy of these “labor rent” or “estate labor” systems. The paper is exploratory: previous approaches are considered, a theoretical framework is proposed, and some tentative hypotheses are presented. My evidence comes from three examples: the Insten system of East Elbian Germany from ca. 1750 to ca. 1860; the ‘izbah system of the Egyptian Delta from ca. 1850 to ca. 1940; and the pre-1930 inquilinaje system of Central Chile.


2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Dixon ◽  
William Danaher ◽  
Ben Kail

Social movement scholars suggest that coalitions comprise a significant and growing portion of all protest mobilizations. Such organizational collaboration is of great practical importance to the labor movement in particular, as unions struggle to succeed on their own in a difficult economic and political environment. Yet surprisingly little is known about the factors underlying the development and success of coalitions. In this article we advance literature on labor and social movement coalitions, bringing a comparative historical approach to bear on the problem and examining two influential and far-reaching labor campaigns that occurred in the U. S. South. Our argument and findings demonstrate the importance of the relative fit among coalition members, the vulnerabilities of collective action targets, and their interplay for coalition outcomes. We conclude by discussing the implications of the findings for labor and social movement challenges more generally.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (9) ◽  
pp. 1271-1298
Author(s):  
Olga Zelinska

This article employs a contentious politics framework to examine the mobilization–repression nexus as it occurred in Ukraine from the 1990 Revolution on Granite, through the 2000-2001 Ukraine without Kuchma campaign and the 2004 Orange Revolution, to the 2013-2014 Euromaidan movement. Comparative analysis of these four cases suggests that developments in both the contentious and repressive repertoires resembled spirals: each campaign became more complex and of longer duration than the last, and each was driven by the repeated protester–government interactions and by the political, economic, and technological environment that changed over time. In the transit from autocracy to democracy, Ukrainian activists adopted and “normalized” political protest much more quickly than did the authorities. The activists creatively innovated as they borrowed from earlier dissent traditions and from other social movements abroad. For the government, the process of learning how to manage contention with means other than their usual repression tactics was much longer, and it is not over. As it slowly transits from Soviet past to democracy, Ukraine continues its development into a “social movement society.”


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