The emergence of ‘Transeurasian’ language families in Northeast Asia as viewed from archaeological evidence

From a linguistic standpoint, Proto-Japonic and Proto-Koreanic are assumed to have split off the Transeurasian languages in southern Manchuria. The linguistic idea that Proto-Japonic came earlier than Proto-Koreanic in the chronological scheme means that the Proto-Japonic language first entered the Korean Peninsula, and from there spread to the Japanese archipelago at the beginning of the Yayoi period, around the 9th century BC, while the arrival of Proto-Koreanic in southern Korea is associated with the spread of the rolled rim vessel culture around the 5th century BC. The genealogical sequence of the Pianpu, Mumun and Yayoi cultures, which shared the same pottery production techniques, indicates the spread of Proto-Japonic. On the other hand, migrants moved from Liaodong to the Korean Peninsula and established the rolled rim vessel culture. This population movement was likely due to social and political reasons as the Yan state enlarged its territory eastward. The Proto-Koreanic of the rolled rim vessel culture later spread to the Korean Peninsula and gradually drove out Proto-Japonic, becoming the predecessor of the Koreanic. In this paper, I examine the spread of Proto-Japonic and Proto-Koreanic in Northeast Asia based on archaeological evidence, focusing especially on the genealogy of pottery styles and pottery production techniques.

Spatial Patterns and Climate Drivers of Malaria in Three Border Areas of Brazil, Venezuela and Guyana, 2016-2018

IntroductionIn 2020, 77% of malaria cases in the Americas were concentrated in Venezuela, Brazil, and Colombia. These countries are characterized by a heterogeneous malaria landscape and malaria hotspots. Furthermore, the political unrest in Venezuela has led to significant cross-border population movement. Hence, the aim of this study was to describe spatial patterns and identify significant climatic drivers of malaria transmission along the Venezuela-Brazil-Guyana border, focusing on Bolivar state, Venezuela and Roraima state, Brazil.MethodsMalaria case data, stratified by species from 2016-2018, were obtained from the Brazilian Malaria Epidemiology Surveillance Information System, the Guyana Vector Borne Diseases Program, the Venezuelan Ministry of Health, and civil society organizations. Spatial autocorrelation in malaria incidence was explored using Getis-Ord (Gi*) statistics. A Poisson regression model was developed with a conditional autoregressive prior structure and posterior parameters were estimated using the Bayesian Markov chain Monte Carlo simulation with Gibbs sampling. Climatic covariates were precipitation and minimum and maximum temperature. ResultsThere were 685,498 malaria cases during the study period. Plasmodium vivax was the predominant species (71.7%, 490,861). Malaria hotspots were located in eight municipalities along the Venezuela and Guyana international borders with Brazil. Plasmodium falciparum decreased by 1.6% (95% credible interval [CrI] 1.5%, 2.3%) and 9.6% (95% CrI 1.5%, 25.2%) per 1 cm increase in six-month lagged precipitation and each 1°C increase of minimum temperature without lag. Each 1°C increase of one-month lagged maximum temperature increased P. falciparum by 6.6% (95% CrI 4.8%, 21.7%). P. vivax cases decreased by 1.0% (95% CrI 1.0%, 1.1%) and 7.0% (95% CrI 6.5%, 7.5%) for each 1 cm increase of precipitation lagged at six-months and 1°C increase in minimum temperature lagged at six-months. There was no significant residual spatial clustering after accounting for climatic covariates.ConclusionMalaria hotspots were located along the Venezuela and Guyana international border with Roraima state, Brazil. In addition to population movement, climatic variables are important drivers of malaria transmission in these areas.

THE JUDICIAL WORK OF THE CAERNARFONSHIRE QUARTER SESSIONS DURING THE MID-NINETEENTH CENTURY

The article portrays elements of life in Caernarfonshire for the period 1855 to 1865 as reflected in the files and Order Books of the county's Quarter Sessions. The study is confined to one decade and this made possible a systematic analysis of all the cases and administrative duties of the Caernarfonshire Quarter Sessions during these years. The years chosen form part of an era described by Ieuan Gwynedd Jones as 'distinctive':2 years of progress, population movement and growing 'respectability'. He speaks of a society 'fractured and uneasy with itself'.3 Trends in convictions, causes and types of crime, perpetrators and the attitude of magistrates and the public all play their part in building a picture of a community.

DEMOGRAPHIC PROCESSES IN THE WESTERN PART OF THE ARMENIAN HIGHLAND (LATE XV-XIV CENTURIES BC)

The cuneiform Hittite texts of the XV-XIV centuries BC contain important information dealing with at least two different population movements happened along the Upper Euphrates region. First of these is fixed in the treaty signed between the Hittite king Tudḫaliyaš II (second part of the XV century BC) and Šunaššura, king of Kizzuwatna. The second migration took place later, during the reign of Tudḫaliyaš III. This second migration is of interest since in that population movement was involved a great number of people from different parts of Asia Minor. The study of several Hittite prayers compiled during the reign of Arnuwandaš I allow to assume that this second migration is definitely connected with continuous famine, hunger, plague and attacks of neighboring countries which could force the population of several regions to migrate first to Išuwa and from there to Ḫayaša.

COT-18 Trends in Primary Brain Tumors in Kumamoto Prefecture with Declining Birthrate and Aging Population - Kumamoto Prefecture Brain Tumor Epidemiological Survey

Backgrounds: The demographic characteristics of Kumamoto Prefecture are that there is little population movement and the total population remains constant at about 1.8 million, but in recent years the birthrate is declining and the population is aging. We have been conducting the Kumamoto Prefecture Brain Tumor Epidemiological Survey since 1989 in cooperation with neurosurgical institutions in the prefecture. In this study, we examined whether recent demographic changes have affected the incidence of primary brain tumors (BT). Methods: Patients with primary BT were collected annually from 44 institutions in Kumamoto Prefecture (as of 2020), and the number of incidences per 100,000 population was calculated for each BT for each year, excluding patients living outside the prefecture and duplicate cases. Results: The total number of primary BT was 11441 (top 3: meningioma 40%, pituitary adenoma 17%, glioma 17%). Of 4261 men with primary BT, the top 3 were meningioma (27%), glioma (23.7%), and pituitary adenoma (18.4%)), and 7180 women (top 3: meningioma (47.7%), pituitary adenoma (16.2%), and glioma (12.9%)). The number of primary BT increased every year, and the incidence increased significantly when comparing 1989–2004 and 2005–2020 (13.6 vs. 25.0/100,000, p<0.000001). Typical brain tumors (meningioma, pituitary adenoma, glioma, schwannoma, malignant lymphoma) also increased year by year, especially asymptomatic meningioma. The median age of asymptomatic meningiomas was significantly higher than that of symptomatic meningiomas (69 vs. 65 years, p<0.0001). Gliomas increased significantly in the later stages compared with the early stages in children (0–14 years) and the elderly (65 years and older). Conclusion: Our results suggest that an increase in the number of BT such as glioblastoma, which are more common in the elderly, as well as an increase in the number of opportunities for intracranial examinations in the aging of the population may be responsible for the increased incidence of primary BT.

Intersectionality and the Struggle for Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights: An Analysis of UN Discursive Patterns

<p>This thesis makes the normative argument that intersectionality should be taken seriously by the United Nations in their efforts to address Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR). This work suggests that, in spite of widespread recognition of the value of intersectionality for approaching issues of SRHR, the UN has insufficiently adopted the theory into its policy and practice. At the international policy level, intersectionality is nearly absent as a paradigm, yet its central components are dominant within mainstream development discourse. These components include discourses of women's empowerment, human rights, and men's involvement. Drawing on critical feminist and race theory, I argue that a narrow gender vision of SRHR is not sufficient and that intersectionality should be recognized both in discourse and practice by UN agencies. This argument is examined along the parallel tracks of the population movement within the UN system and the evolution of the global women's movement (GWM). This study shows that the UN system has traditionally adopted the approaches and discourses of the global women's movement, as analysed over four decades of UN population movement discourse. However, a shift occurring at the new millennium, as well as significant political barriers barring a discussion of race and racism, have led to a break in this relationship, damaging the take-up of GWM discourse. The conclusion drawn from this argument is that SRHR is an intersectional issue and the new and emerging intersectional paradigm must be adopted by the UN in order to effectively address SRHR on a local and global scale.</p>

Intersectionality and the Struggle for Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights: An Analysis of UN Discursive Patterns

<p>This thesis makes the normative argument that intersectionality should be taken seriously by the United Nations in their efforts to address Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR). This work suggests that, in spite of widespread recognition of the value of intersectionality for approaching issues of SRHR, the UN has insufficiently adopted the theory into its policy and practice. At the international policy level, intersectionality is nearly absent as a paradigm, yet its central components are dominant within mainstream development discourse. These components include discourses of women's empowerment, human rights, and men's involvement. Drawing on critical feminist and race theory, I argue that a narrow gender vision of SRHR is not sufficient and that intersectionality should be recognized both in discourse and practice by UN agencies. This argument is examined along the parallel tracks of the population movement within the UN system and the evolution of the global women's movement (GWM). This study shows that the UN system has traditionally adopted the approaches and discourses of the global women's movement, as analysed over four decades of UN population movement discourse. However, a shift occurring at the new millennium, as well as significant political barriers barring a discussion of race and racism, have led to a break in this relationship, damaging the take-up of GWM discourse. The conclusion drawn from this argument is that SRHR is an intersectional issue and the new and emerging intersectional paradigm must be adopted by the UN in order to effectively address SRHR on a local and global scale.</p>

Rural - Rural Movements in East Africa: a Study of Rwandan and Southern Ugandans in Karagwe District, Tanzania

<p>This thesis redresses a major gap in the literature on population movement, especially population studies in Tanzania where there have been few attempts to study and understand the movement of people within and between rural areas. Largely owing to political concerns for rural - urban movements, more money has been made available for scholars to study this phenomenon. As a consequence, explanations of movement have focused on rural poverty, privileged economic based models of analysis, and ignored the dynamic nature of the bulk of the population who live in contiguous rural areas not only of Tanzania but also neighbouring Kenya and Uganda. This urban bias is reinforced by a methodological unwillingness to study population movements that do not fit this economic rationale. I argue that to understand population movement in and between rural areas, attention needs to be refocused on non-economic motives, give more emphasis to cultural continuity and to understanding the meanings of movement as the people engaged in it see it for themselves. In this study, I use an ethnographic approach to explore the movement of people in Karagwe rural district. This district receives movers from Ankole (Southern Uganda) and Rwanda inspired by cultural considerations that become understood by listening and seeing the movement in their own worldview. The Banyankole and Banyarwanda perceive movement as a "homeward journey" best described by the metaphor of 'omuka/oweitu' (home to home) as people move within their cultural territory to live with relatives of consanguinity, affinity and African blood pacts. The network of these relationships evolved out of historical movements, intermarriages, norms and customs created and shared over many years to give a sense of oneness or common identity in a shared cultural space. During the field study in 2000, these homeward movements revealed in the family life histories were part of a strategy to cement the bonds of kinship and a return to the roots/ ancestral homes. This understanding and interpretation of movement in a constructed cultural space is revealed through listening to the life histories of family movement and experiences as well as the language used to express the event of movement. In this cultural space where they negotiate a living, long-term movement is perceived, as 'okutaha' (to go home) and 'okutura' (to settle or stay) while short-term movements are captured by the metaphors that revolve around the theme of 'visits'. The origin and destination points for these movements are "home" meaning a place where one resides or where one is born. In both meanings the mover has relatives of kin and is in a familiar environment/cultural territory. Movement is one that leads a person outside the created cultural space often disassociated with and considered as disappearing into the unknown. This suggests that intra-rural and inter-rural movements are culturally inspired and are strategies to maintain and activate relationship networks between people as described in a language and the worldview of the movers - the world they live in.</p>

Rural - Rural Movements in East Africa: a Study of Rwandan and Southern Ugandans in Karagwe District, Tanzania

<p>This thesis redresses a major gap in the literature on population movement, especially population studies in Tanzania where there have been few attempts to study and understand the movement of people within and between rural areas. Largely owing to political concerns for rural - urban movements, more money has been made available for scholars to study this phenomenon. As a consequence, explanations of movement have focused on rural poverty, privileged economic based models of analysis, and ignored the dynamic nature of the bulk of the population who live in contiguous rural areas not only of Tanzania but also neighbouring Kenya and Uganda. This urban bias is reinforced by a methodological unwillingness to study population movements that do not fit this economic rationale. I argue that to understand population movement in and between rural areas, attention needs to be refocused on non-economic motives, give more emphasis to cultural continuity and to understanding the meanings of movement as the people engaged in it see it for themselves. In this study, I use an ethnographic approach to explore the movement of people in Karagwe rural district. This district receives movers from Ankole (Southern Uganda) and Rwanda inspired by cultural considerations that become understood by listening and seeing the movement in their own worldview. The Banyankole and Banyarwanda perceive movement as a "homeward journey" best described by the metaphor of 'omuka/oweitu' (home to home) as people move within their cultural territory to live with relatives of consanguinity, affinity and African blood pacts. The network of these relationships evolved out of historical movements, intermarriages, norms and customs created and shared over many years to give a sense of oneness or common identity in a shared cultural space. During the field study in 2000, these homeward movements revealed in the family life histories were part of a strategy to cement the bonds of kinship and a return to the roots/ ancestral homes. This understanding and interpretation of movement in a constructed cultural space is revealed through listening to the life histories of family movement and experiences as well as the language used to express the event of movement. In this cultural space where they negotiate a living, long-term movement is perceived, as 'okutaha' (to go home) and 'okutura' (to settle or stay) while short-term movements are captured by the metaphors that revolve around the theme of 'visits'. The origin and destination points for these movements are "home" meaning a place where one resides or where one is born. In both meanings the mover has relatives of kin and is in a familiar environment/cultural territory. Movement is one that leads a person outside the created cultural space often disassociated with and considered as disappearing into the unknown. This suggests that intra-rural and inter-rural movements are culturally inspired and are strategies to maintain and activate relationship networks between people as described in a language and the worldview of the movers - the world they live in.</p>