Imperial Political Culture in the Modern Age

Author(s):  
Yuri Pines

This chapter focuses on the modern trajectory of those major aspects of traditional Chinese political culture that discussed in the previous chapters. It shows that the concept of political unity remained the least affected by the advent of modernity. However, the principle of monarchism collapsed immediately with the advent of the new age, and the intellectual elite likewise saw a gradual erosion in their political power. Descending the traditional social ladder, the chapter arrives at two groups whose positions changed dramatically in the wake of the twentieth-century upheavals: local elites and the commoners. The first were, along with the emperor, the chief victims of China's entrance into modernity; the latter—now referred to in the modern parlance, as “the masses”—were supposed to be its major beneficiaries, and certainly gained a lot, though less than what might have been expected.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Keren He

The joint rise of popular movements and mass media in early twentieth-century China gave birth to a democratic imagination, which culminated in the anti-American boycott of 1905. The transnational campaign nonetheless disintegrated as a result of partisan division—an ingrained predicament of democratic agonism that is best illustrated by the story of Feng Xiawei, a grassroots activist whose suicide in Shanghai constituted a key moment in the boycott. Juxtaposing a variety of accounts about Feng's death in journalism, political fiction, reformed opera, and advertisements, this article examines how, together, these texts construct democratic agonism and suicide protest as revealing two opposing political sensibilities as well as modes of action. Instead of expressing only nationalist passion, Feng's suicide reveals a deep anxiety of his time to locate a spiritual source of authority in the face of its glaring absence in social negotiation. This fraught dynamic between the democratic and the transcendent continues to characterize modern Chinese political culture to the present.


1977 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lowell Dittmer

Although the major purpose of the Cultural Revolution was to transform Chinese political culture, the way in which this transformation took place has remained unclear. This paper attempts to understand cultural transformation as a process of interaction within a semiological system, consisting of a network of communicators and a lexicon of political symbols. The pragmatic aspect of this process is the outcome of an interplay among the intentions of the elites, the masses, and the target of criticism: political circumstances during the Cultural Revolution were more benign to the cathartic and hortatory intentions of the masses and elites than to the expiatory needs of the target. The syntactic aspect of the system concerns the relationship among symbols: These were found to form a dichotomous structure divided by a taboo barrier, which elicited strong but ambivalent desires to achieve a revolutionary breakthrough. The semantic aspect of the symbolism refers to problematic dimensions of experience in Chinese political culture–the psychological repression imposed by a system of rigid social censorship, the political discrimination practiced against certain social categories, the persistence of differences in income or educational achievement in a socialist system–and suggests that these “contradictions” may be resolved by bold frontal assault.The symbolism of Cultural Revolution polemics has now become part of Chinese political culture. Its impact seems to have been to inhibit social differentiation (particularly hierarchical), to encourage greater mass participation, and to foster more frequent and irreconcilable conflict among elites.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-66
Author(s):  
Christine Adams

The relationship of the French king and royal mistress, complementary but unequal, embodied the Gallic singularity; the royal mistress exercised a civilizing manner and the soft power of women on the king’s behalf. However, both her contemporaries and nineteenth- and early twentieth-century historians were uncomfortable with the mistress’s political power. Furthermore, paradoxical attitudes about French womanhood have led to analyses of her role that are often contradictory. Royal mistresses have simultaneously been celebrated for their civilizing effect in the realm of culture, chided for their frivolous expenditures on clothing and jewelry, and excoriated for their dangerous meddling in politics. Their increasing visibility in the political realm by the eighteenth century led many to blame Louis XV’s mistresses—along with Queen Marie-Antoinette, who exercised a similar influence over her husband, Louis XVI—for the degradation and eventual fall of the monarchy. This article reexamines the historiography of the royal mistress.


Author(s):  
R.M. Valeev ◽  
O.D. Vasilyuk ◽  
S.A. Kirillina ◽  
A.M. Abidulin

Abstract The study of the Turkic, including Asia Minor sociopolitical, cultural and ethnolinguistic space of Eurasia is a long and significant tradition of practical, academic and university centers in Russia and Europe, including Ukraine. The Turkic, including the Ottoman political and cultural heritage played a particularly important role in the history and culture of the peoples of Russia, Ukraine and modern Turkic states. Famous states and societies of the Turkic world (Turkic Khaganates, Volga Bulgaria, Ulus Juchi, the Ottoman Empire and other states of the Middle Ages and the New Age), geographical and historical-cultural regions of the traditional residence of the Turkic peoples of the Russian and Ottoman empires and Eurasia as a whole became the object and subject of scientific studies of Russian and European orientalists Turkologists and Ottomans of the nineteenth beginning of the twentieth century.Аннотация Исследование тюркского, в том числе малоазиатского социополитического, культурного и этнолингвистического пространства Евразии является давней и значимой традицией практических, академических и университетских центров России и Европы, в том числе Украины. Особо важную роль тюркское, в том числе османское политическое и культурное наследие играло в истории и культуре народов России, Украины и современных тюркских государств. Известные государства и общества тюркского мира (Тюркские каганаты, Волжская Булгария, Улус Джучи, Османская империя и другие государства Средневековья и Нового времени), географические и историко-культурные регионы традиционного проживания тюркских народов Российской и Османской империй и в целом Евразии стали объектом и предметом научных исследований российских и европейских востоковедов тюркологов и османистов ХIХ начала ХХ в.


Author(s):  
Erika Fischer-Lichte

Chapter 4 investigates the role of the new image of Greece in the first decades of the twentieth century. ‘A Culture in Crisis: Max Reinhardt’s Productions of Greek Tragedies (1903–1919)’ addresses two problems: first, the new body ideal and its liberation from the restraints imposed on it until then, and, second, the division within society of those who made a cult of their individuality and the rapidly growing masses of the proletariat. While in Reinhardt’s Electra (1903) Gertrud Eysoldt displayed her body as that of a maenad or a hysteric, a number of new devices were developed in Oedipus the King (1910) and the Oresteia (1911), both performed in a circus, which temporarily transformed the masses of actors and spectators into a—theatrical—community. The chapter also discusses Leopold Jessner’s production of Oedipus (1929) as a quest for a ‘philosophical theatre’ (Brecht).


1966 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Lewis

These seven recent works typify a cross section of scholarly publication on the Chinese People's Republic, its history, present operation, and prospects. Taken together, they provide the basis for some remarks on the study of Chinese “political culture.” Rather than attempt a full review of the individual works, this brief article will examine some of their assumptions and indirectly comment on the literature they represent. Each book reflects a prodigious scholarly effort and has received in various other journals a complete appraisal of its intellectual value. In general it may be fairly said that these volumes do not constitute significant breakthroughs of knowledge. They do, however, bring together and analyze important bodies of data on Communist China.


1993 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 529
Author(s):  
Kenneth Teitelbaum ◽  
John W. Meyer ◽  
David H. Kamens ◽  
Aaron Benavot

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